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PRESENTED BY 

MILDRED LEWIS RUTHERFORD 

Athens, Georgia 



A FAIR, UNBIASED, IMPARTIAL, UN- 
PREJUDICED AND CONSCIENTIOUS 
STUDY OF HISTORY 



Ou_t-T 



OBJECT: 

To Secure a Peaceful Settlement of the many 
Perplexing Questions now Causing Con- 
tention Between the North and 
the South 



11 



INDEX 

The Constitution of the United States (1787) Was a Compact 

Between Sovereign States and Not Perpetual 

Nor National. 

AUTHORITY : 

Page 

Elliott's Delates, Vol. V., p. 214 1 

Daniel Webster, "The Federalist," p. 908 1 

Daniel Webster, Capon Springs Speech, 1851 1 

Daniel Webster, U. S. Senate, Feb. 15, 1833 1, 2 

Henry Cabot Lodge 1 

Commentaries on the Constitution, Vol. III., p. 287 2 

Alexander Hamilton, Commentaries on the Constitution. 

Vol. III., p. 287 . 2 

James Wilson, Commentaries on the Constitution, Vol. III., 

p. 287 2 

Gouveneur Morris, Commentaries on the Constitution, Vol. 

III., p. 287 2 

Roger Sherman, Commentaries on the Constitution, Vol. 

III., p. 287 2 

Oliver Ellsworth, Commentaries on the Constitution, Vol. 

III., p. 287 2 

Alexander Hamilton, "The Federalist," LX 2 

Benjamin Franklin, "Franklin's Works" 2 

Judge Story, Vol. V., p. 409 2 

George Bancroft, "History of the United States" 2, 3 

James Buchanan, "Messages and State Papers" 2 

Charles Francis Adams, "Constitutional Ethics of Secession" 2 

William Rawle 2 

Lord Brougham 3 

II. 

Secession Was Not Rebellion. 

AUTHORITY : 

Dr. Henry Wade Rogers, Dean of the Law Department of 

Yale 3 

William Rawle, Author "View of the Constitution," 

pp. 289, 290 3 

Wm. Brooks Rawle, "Sectional Misunderstandings," p. 9__ 3 

Benjamin T. Wade, V. S. Senate, 1858 4 

Goldwin Smith, Historian, Cornell University 4 

Jeremiah Black of Pennsylvania, "Black's Essays" 4 

Horace Greeley, "American Conflict," Vol. I., p. 359 .4 

Horace Greeley, "New York Tribune" 4 

1 



Page 

Abraham Lincoln 4 

Benjamin J. Williams, "Died For Their Stale" — 5 

Haliam's "Constitutional History of England/' Vol. TI, 

p. 219 5 

George Lunt, ''Origin of Late War" 5 

Abraham Lincoln, Appendix to "Congressional Globe," 

p. 94 5 

C. W. Cottom, Letter to Howell Cobb, Secretary Treasury, 

1860 5 

George Lunt, "Origin of Late War" 5 

Edward Everett, "Origin of Late War" 5 

Horace Greeley, "Origin of Late War" 5 

Edward Everett Hale, "Life of Wm. Seward" 5 

Charles Beecher Stowe 6 

Republican Platform, 1860 - 6 

Timothy Pickering, "Origin of Late War" 6 

Josiah 'Quincy, "Origin of Late War'' 6 

John Quincy Adams, "Charles Francis Adams, Jr." ._ 6 

"New York Herald," Nov. 11, 1860 6 

George Lunt 7 

Chief Justice Day 7 

III. 
The North Was Responsible for the War Between the States. 

AUTHORITY : 

"New York Herald," April 7, 1861 7 

"New York Herald," April 5, 1861 7 

Abraham Lincoln, "Life of Lincoln," by Sheppard 7 

Horton's "Youth's History," pp. 71, 72, 109 8 

Gideon Welles, "Origin of Late War" 8 

William Seward, "Origin of Late War" -8, 9 

Stephen Donglas, "Origin of Late War" 8 

Zach Chandler, Letter to Governor Blair 8 

Cousin & Hill, p. 371 8 

General Bragg, 0. R. I., p. 457 8 

Joseph Lane^ of Oregon, U. S. Senate, "Congressional 

Globe," 36th Congress, p. 1347 10. 12 

John Codman Ropes, "Story of Civil War," pp. 17, 18-.10, 11 

Wendell Phillips, Speeches in 1861 11 

George Lunt, "Origin of Late War," p.485 

Percy Gregg's "History," p. 158 11, 12 

President Buchanan 1" 

Congressional Records - 1^ 

ITosmer's "History of the American Nation," Vol. XX.. 

p. 20 8 

J. G. Holland, "Life of Lincoln" 9 

2 

Gift 

Author 

JUn i 1920 



Page 

Medill, "Chicago Tribune'' 9 

Tarbell's "Life of Lincoln," Vol. II., p. 144 ~__ 9 

"The New York Express," April 15, 1861 9 

"The Opening of the Twentieth Century" 10 

Hallam's "Constitutional History of England" 10 

Benjamin Williams of Lowell, Mass 10 

IV. 

The War Between the States Was Not Fought to Hold the 

Slaves. 

AUTHORITY : 

Congress, in 1861 13 

Abraham Lincoln, "Inaugural Address" 13 

George Lunt, "Origin of Late War" 13 

"Grant a Slaveholder," Speaker's "Handbook," p. 33_. ._ 13 

Simon Cameron, Letter to General Butler 14 

Governor William Sprague of Ehode Island 14 

James Ford Rhodes, Vol. IV, p. 73 14 

Percy Gregg, English Historian 14 

Channing's "Short History of the United States" 14 

"Origin of the Late War," Introduction, Lunt .. 15 

Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of War under Lincoln 15 

V. 

The Slaves Were Not Ill-Treated in the South and the North 
Was Largely Responsible for Their Presence in the South. 

AUTHORITY : 

William Makepeace Thackeray, "Roundabout Papers"^. 15 

Charles E. Stowe, Address at Fiske College, Nashville, Tenn. 16 
Major-General Quitman of New York, Appendix "Origin 

of Late War," p. 465 15. 93 

J. F. Schaffner, "War of Secession in America" 15 

Pennsylvania Lawyer 16 

"American Authors," p. 492 16 

Lunt's "Origin of the Late War" . 93 

VI. 
Coercion Was Not Constitutional. 

AUTHORITY : 

William Seward, Letter to "London Times" 19 

William Seward, Letter to Charles Francis Adams, Sr 19 

Edward Everett 19 

3 



Page 
President James Buchanan, Letter to Edwin M. Stanton, 

Secretary of War |*J 

Charles Sumner jj 

"Journal of Commerce," 1861 ^ 

James S. Thayer, Jan. 21, 1861 19 

Charles Beecher Stowe —_----- -U 

James Buchanan, "Messages of Presidents, Dec. 3, I860- 20 

Abraham Lincoln, George Lunt's "History '_— 20 

American Statesmen Series, "Life of Lincoln, Vol. 11 20 

Platform of the Republican Party, 1860 20 

"New York Herald" J* 

Carpenter's "Logic of History," p. 50 20 

Horace Greeley, "American Conflict," p. 513 20 

Ex-Governor Reynolds of Illinois, Dec. 28, 1860 21 

VII. 
The Federal Government Was Responsible for the Anderson- 

ville Horrors. 

AUTHORITY : 

Charles A. Dana, Assistant Secretary of War 21 

General Benjamin Butler, "Butler's Book" 21 

General U. S. Grant, "Butler's Book" 21 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War 60 

Official Records, "War of the Rebellion" 

Series 2, Vols. IV, V., VIII 21, 22 

Series 3, Vol. V. . . oc 

Page-Haley, "The True Story of Andersonville Prison _.. 25 

Judge Shea, "The New York Tribune," Jan. 24, 1876 23 

Horace Greeley, "New York Tribune," Nov. 9, 1866 24 

Chas. A. Dana, "New York Sun" 23, 24 

Dr. E. A. Flewellen, Surgeon at Andersonville 25 

Herman A. Braum, Prisoner at Andersonville 26 

Dr. Gardner, "Medicine Contraband of War" 22 

General Butler 23 

Dr. Kerr, in New Orleans £* 

Butler's Book 26 

VIII. 

The Republican Party That Elected Abraham Lincoln Was Not 
Friendly to the South. 

AUTHORITY : 

Wendell Phillips, "Speeches and Papers" 27 

Charles Beecher Stowe 28 

4 



Page 
R. G. Horton, "A Youth's History of the Civil War," 

p. 51, Vol. IV 28, 29 

George Lunt's "Origin of Late War," p. 359 28, 29 

Benjamin Wade, U. S. Senate, 1860 28 

Judge William Duer, 1860 28 

Raymond, in "New York Times" 29 

"Boston Courier," May 26, 1860 29 

Judge Jessup, Lunt's "History" 29 

Stephen Douglas, Letters to Mr. Hayes 29 

Stephen Douglas, Dec. 27, 1860- 29 

Stephen Douglas, Feb. 2, 1861 29 

"Cincinnati Enquirer" 29 

IX. 
The South Desired Peace and Made Every Effort to Obtain It. 

AUTHORITY : 

Shaffner's "Secession War," London 30 

Lord Charnwood's "'Life of Lincoln" 30. 33 

Senator Chandler of Michigan 30 

George Lunt's "Origin of Late War" 32 

"Congressional Globe," Appendix 1800- '61 ._. 30 

Dixon of Connecticut, p. 41 32 

"Congressional Globe,'' Dec. 11, 1860 31 

Salmon P. Chase, Peace Conference, Washington, D. C 33 

Abraham Lincoln, "Messages of Presidents" ._ 34 

Nicolay & Hay, "Life of Lincoln," Vol. X 34 

Seward's Letter to Charles Francis Adams 34 

"War of Rebellion," Series III., Vol. IV., pp. 1163, 1164_. 34 

"New York Times" 34 

X. 

The Policy of the Northern Army Was to Destroy Property — 
That of the Southern Army to Protect It. 

AUTHORITY : 

Sheridan's Official Report 34 

Sherman's "Memoirs" 34. 37 

Lord Palmerson, British House of Commons 35 

General B. Butler, New Orleans Order No. 28 35 

General Grant's Official Orders 35 

James W. Forsyth, Sheridan's Chief -of -Staff 36 

W. II. Halleck, Chief -of -Staff of General Grant_ 36 

W. T. Sherman, Major-General to General Halleck 36 

Percy Gregg's "History" 37 

"The Story of a Great March, 7 ' Nichols 36, 37 

5 



CONTRAST: 

Page 

President Jefferson Davis 37, 38 

General R. E. Lee 37, 38 

General J. B. Early, York, Pa ' 38 

Chas. Francis Adams, Jr 38 

General John B. Gordon, York, Pa 38 

Rules at West Point 39 

XL 
The South Has Never Had Her Rightful Place in Literature. 

AUTHORITY : 

Harrriet Martineau 39 

Hamilton W. Mabie 39 

"The Outlook," 1899 40 

John Fiske, "History of the United States" 40 

Pancoast of Philadelphia 39, 41 

Victor Hugo 41 

"London Quarterly Review" 41 

Samuel Taylor Coleridge 41 

Alfred Tennyson 41 

Henry W. Longfellow 41 

Abernathy's "American Literature" 41 

Brander Matthews 41 

Lewishon 41 

"The New International Encyclopedia" 42 

"The Columbia Encyclopedia" . 42 

XII. 

The North Violated the Constitution and Refused to Stand By 

the Decisions of the Supreme Court and This Drove 

the South to Secession. 

AUTHORITY : 

United States Constitution 42, 43 

Percy Gregg, English Historian (Missouri Compromise) 43 

George Lunt, "Origin of Tjate War," p. 261 43 

Josiah Quincy, "Political Textbook," p. 108___ . 43 

Peters' "Reports," p. 611 44 

Judge Story of the Supreme Court 44 

Carey, Elliott, Kettel, Political Economists, on "Tariff Acts" 44 
Prof. Elliott, Harvard College (See Bledsoe's "War Be- 
tween the States," p. 225) 44 

"Southern Wealth and Northern Profits" 45 

Chief Justice Story (Fugitive Slave Law) 45 

Abraham Lincoln, Speech at Peoria, 111., 1854 45 

6 



Page 
Judge Black, "Black's Essays/' p. 163 45 

"Congressional Records/' William Penn and Benjamin 

Franklin 46 

Bledsoe's "War Between the States" 45 

Reports of United States Supreme Court 46 

Congress, July 23, 1861 46 

"Congressional Reports," July 23, 1861 46 

McClure on Abraham Lincoln 47 

James Ford Rhodes, Vol. IV., p. 213 47 

Chief Justice Chase 47 

Abraham Lincoln, "Inaugural Address" 47 

Horton's "Youth's History of the Civil War," p. 51 47 

Judge Black of Pennsylvania, "Black's Essays" (Mrs. 

Surratt) 48 

Barnes' "Popular History/' p. 597 - 48 

Louis Schade, Attorney for Henry Wirz 49 

"The True Story of Andersonville," Page-Haley 48 

Horton on XIV. and XV. Amendments 47, 51 

"The Chicago Chronicle" 51 

John Fremont, "Freedom of the Press" 52 

James Ford Rhodes, Vol. III., p. 232 (Freedom of Speech) 47 

George Bancroft 47 

"Life of Seward/' Vol. II., p. 254 47 

"Decisions of Supreme Court," Chas. Francis Adams, Jr._ . 52 
J. G. Holland, "Decisions of Supreme Court/' "Life of Lin- 
coln," p. 284 52 

"Constitutional View of the South'' 51 

Barnes' "Popular History" (Supreme Court), p. 476 48. 52 

Abraham Lincoln, Cooper Institute Speech . 53 

"The Construction Construed, Von Hoist (Squatter Sover- 
eignty) 53 

Report from Charleston Convention, 1860 52 

The Trent Affair, "Life of Seward" 53 

Abraham Lincoln, Albany, N, Y 48 

XIII. 

Jefferson Davis Must Have His Rightful Place in History. 

AUTHORITY : 

Records of War Department, Washington, D .C 53 

Tribute from a Mexican War Veteran 56 

"Farewell Address" to Senate, 1861 56 

Speech at Fanueil Hall, Boston, 1861 56 

Chief Justice Chase of Supreme Court, U. S 56 

James E. Titlow, who manacled him 57 

"The New York World" 57 

"The New York Sun" 57 

7 



Charles Francis Adams, Jr 57 

Dr. Craven, Prison Physician 57 

Ridpath's "History" 57 

E wing's "Northern Rebellion Against the Constitution" 55 

"Congressional Records" 56 

Chief Justice Chase 58 

Rawle's "View of the Constitution" . 56 

Charles O'Connor, Davis' Attorney 59 

Horton's "Youth's Hitsory of the Civil War" . 60 

"Republic of Republics," p. 44 59 

Dr. Bacon of Assouet, Mass 59 

"North American Review," September, 1904 59 

Charles Francis Adams, Jr 59 

R. Gr. Horton's "Youth's History of the Civil War." p. 384 59 

J. G. Blaine, U. S. Congress, 1876 60 

Judge Shea's Report 60 

Russell's "Diary," p. 163 61 

Secretary Stanton's Statistics 60 

"New Haven Register" 61 

XIV. 

Abraham Lincoln Must Have His Rightful Place in History. 

AUTHORITY .- 

"Abraham Lincoln," Nicolay & Hay, Vol. I., p. 186 65 

George Lunt, "Origin of Late War," p. 435 65 

Godwin, "The Nation" 66 

Thaddeus Stevens 66 

James Ford Rhodes, Vol. IV., p. 123 63 

Wendell Phillips, Cooper Institute, 1864 66 

Percy Gregg, (English Historian) 66 

Chief Justice Supreme Court 66 

Lieut.-Col. Ludlow, Letter to Col. Ould, July 26, 1863 67 

McClure 66, 67 

"Life and Times of Hannibal Hamlin ," p. 393 . 67 

George Bancroft, "Life of Seward," Vol. II., p. 254 67 

Boutwell, Congressman from Massachusetts 67 

"On Circuit With Lincoln," p. 634 67 

Ida Tarbell's "Life of Lincoln" 67 

James Ford Rhodes, Vol. IV., p. 320 67 

Lamon's "Life of Lincoln" 67 

Richard Dana, Assistant Secretary of War 67 

Benjamin R. Curtis, Supreme Court 67 

John A. Logan, "Great Conspiracy," p. 551 68 

"McClure's Magazine," January, 1893 69 

Ida Tarbell's "Life of Lincoln," p. 165 68 

B. F. Butler's Book 68 



Page 

Morse's "American Statesmen" 69 

Richard A. Dana, Letters to Thomas Lathrop, Feb. 23, 1863 69 

Herndon's "Life of Lincoln" 70 

Lamon's "Life of Lincoln" 70 

Hapgood's "Abraham Lincoln, the Man of the People," 

p 273 69, 70 

Wendell Phillips 69 

E. C. Ingersoll 70 

Henry Ward Beecher 70 

Allen Thorndike Rice, "Reminiscences of Lincoln," p. 14_. 70 

"Congressional Records" 70 

George Lunt 70 

Lincoln's "Inaugural Address" 70 

Butler's Book 70 

Lincoln's Letter to Alexander Stephens 71 

Emancipation Proclamation 71 

Lincoln, Speech, Charleston, 111., 1858 __ 70, 71 

David Saville Muzzey's "American History," p. 486 73 

James Ford Rhodes, Vol. IV., p. 64 72, 74 

Lincoln, Peoria, 111., 1854 71, 72 

Morse's "Abraham Lincoln," Vol. II., p. 102 74 

Carpenter 74 

Barnes' "Popular History," Chap. XV 75 

James Ford Rhodes, Vol. IV., p. 344 75 

Chesterton, "English History''L, - 75 

Lincoln, Letter to Hamlin, Sept. 28, 1863 76 

Wendell Phillips 75, 76 

Second Writing Emancipation Act ■- 76 

George Lunt J4 

Guerber 7a 

Abraham Lincoln, "Messages and Papers" 75 

Herndon & Weik's "True Story of a Great Life" 78. 82 

Schouler's "History of the United States," Vol. VI., p. 21__ 77 

"McClure's Magazine" 75 

Horace Greeley, p. 274 77 

Don Piatt's "Reminiscences," p. 21 77 

Charles Francis Adams, Jr -- 77 

Preface to "The True Story of a Great Life," Herndon 

and Weik 78 

Nicolay & Hay 76 

Lamon's "Life of Lincoln," p. 173 78 

Gettysburg Address 78 

Abraham Lincoln 79 

Lamon's "Recollections" 77, 78, 79 

Nicolay 79, 80 

Willam Seward 79 

Edward Everett 78 

9 



Page 

W. H. Cunningham, Reporter for "The Star" 81 

"Abraham Lincoln's Book," Herndon & Lamon 83 

Dennis Hanks (Herndon) 83 

Mrs. Lincoln, Stepmother (Herndon) - 83 

Jesse E. Fall (Herndon) 83 

Bradley's "Orations and Arguments," p. 227, par. 5 80 

J. G. Holland, "Life 'of Lincoln" 84. 85 

Ida Tarbell's "Life of Lincoln" 84 

Nieolay & Hay's "Life of Lincoln" 84 

William M. Davison 85 

Albert Bushnell Hart 84 

"Sunday School Times" 84 

P. D. Ross, Englishman; "Harper's Weekly," Nov. 7, 1908 84 

"St. Louis Globe-Democrat" 78 

Henry E. Shepherd 81 

Judd Stewart 84 

Don Piatt 84 

Stanton 85 

John Hay 85 

J. B. Wade 85 

Walter McElreath 86 

Jas. A. Stevens 86 

Dr. Littlefield, Needham, Mass — 86 

XV. 

Reconstruction Was Not Just to the South — It Made the 
Ku Klux Klan a Necessity. 

AUTHORITY : 

Ridpath's "Universal History," p. 176 86 

Muzzey's "American History," p. 486 87 

Mark Twain 87 

Walter Henry Cook, Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio_ . 87 

Dan Voorhees, Senator from Indiana 87 

Reconstruction Governors: 89 

(Governors Moses, Clayton and Warmouth). 

"The Chicago Chronicle" 89 

Charlas Francis Adams, Jr 89 

"Secret Political Societies in the South/' Walter Cook 90 

Harper & Brothers, N. Y. 90 

"History of the Ku Klux Klan" 91 



10 



XVI. 
Race Prejudice is Stronger in the North Than in the South. 

AUTHORITY: 

Page 

"Democracy in America," De Tocqueville 92 

William Seward 92 

Kansas Legislature 92 

Muzzey's "American History" 93 

Lunt's "Origin of Late War" 93 

Major-General Quitman of New York 93 

"The Secession War in America," J. P. Shaffull 93 

Pittsburg, Pa., Daily 94 

William Makepeace Thackeray 15 

"Boston Herald," September 12, 1919 94 

XVII. 

The South Was More Interested in the Freedom of the Slaves 
Than the North. 

AUTHORITY : 

Charles Francis Adams, Jr 95 

"Congressional Records," 1860 96 

"Vuniversal Emancipation," Lundy 97 

George Lunt's "History" 97, 100 

"The Sectional Controversy," W. C. Fowler 98 

Salmon P. Chase 98 

Rice's "Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln'' - 98 

General Don Piatt 98 

Barnes' "Popular History," p. 478 102 

Edward Everett, Fanueil Hall 102 

Judge Jeremiah Black . 102 

Abraham Lincoln 96 

Richardson's "Defense of the South" 96 

J. J. Veath 103 

Hill Peebles Wilson 103 

XVIII. 
Why the South Demands Corrected Textbooks. 

AUTHORITY : 

Muzzey's "American History" 110 

Davidson's "History" 104 

Montgomery's "Beginner's History" 104 

"BHtish Encyclopedia'' 104 

Henry Cabot Lodge, "History of the Early Colonies'' 107 

11 



Page 

Massachusetts "Historical Collections/' Vol. IV., p. 20 107 

"Continental Journal," Massachusetts, March 1, 1781 107 

"The Cyclopedia of Political Slavery;' Vol. III., p. 733.__ 107 

"Smart Set," February, 1920 106 

"Pelham Papers" 105 

New Twentieth Century Edition of "British Encyclopedia'' 

p. 360, "American Literature" 104 

Hildreth's "Despotism in America" .__ 106 

"The Evening Sun," Baltimore, Md., Nov. 17, 1919 108 

Henry Cabot Lodge . 107 

"Family Life in Virginia," p. 344 105 

"History of the Early Colonies," Lodge, p. 154 105 

James Russell Lowell . — 110 

Lossing's "History Concerning Robert E. Lee,'' Vol. V., 

Chap. 116, p. 1483 108 

Richard Hildreth 105 

"Official History of Suffrage" 108 

"Boys of '61," Coffin, pp. 446, 29, 518, 520, 411 109 

Holland's "Life of Abraham Lincoln" 109 

"The British Weekly" 109 

Librarian, Pueblo, Colorado 112 

Champion's "War of the Union" 112 

"The Story of a Great March" 111 

William and Mary "Quarterly" 112 

"The New York World" -112 

Muzzey's "History of the American People" 110 

"The Chicago Tribune" 110 

Davidson's "History" 110 

James Russell Lowell 108 

XIX. 

The Vilification of Jefferson Davis Became Necessary to Make 
the Glorification of Abraham Lincoln More Effective. 

AUTHORITY: 

"Harper's Weekly" 110, 111 

"New York Tribune" 110 

"The Story of a Great March" 111 

Thaddeus Stevens 111 

John Forney, "Washington Chronicle" 111 

Boutwell of Massachusetts 111 

Cheney's "History" 110, 111 



12 



XX. 
Some of the Omissions of History. 

AUTHORITY : 

Page 

Preface II. -XI. 

The First Battle of Bull Run 112 

"The New York World" 11* 

"Great Epochs of American History" 11* 

Merrimac (Virginia), and Monitor 113 

The English and French Men of War 113 

Stedman's "American Literature"-^ 113 

Richardson's "American Literature" 113 

Pattee's "American Literature" 113 

Houghton, Mifflin & Co 113 

Famous Rides of History 114 



INTRODUCTION 



The South is not given credit for the part she deserves in the 
making of the Nation. The text books that are now being used 
are most unjust to her; the reference books now in the libraries 
are most unjust to her; the omissions in history as now written 
are most unjust to her ; the history as now written, if accepted, 
will consign her to infamy. 

Realizing this, "The Truths of History" gathered from 
statements made by men of unquestioned authority, have been 
put together in a connected way for the guidance of any desir- 
ing to have the proofs concerning these facts at hand. 

It is hoped that every teacher of history and literature will 
use "Truths op History" in connection with their text books 
to counteract the falsehoods of history which are now to be 
found everywhere in literature. 

It has been stated that eighty one per cent, of the schools and 
colleges in the South are today using text books untrue to the 
South, and seventeen per cent, are using histories omitting most 
important facts concerning the South. 

Dr. J. L. M. Curry, in his "Southern States of the American 
Nation," says: 

"History, poetry, romance, art, and public opinion have 
been most unjust to the South. If the true record be given, 
the South is rich in patriotism, in intellectual force ,in 
civic and military achievements, in heroism, in honorable 
and sagacious statesmanship — but if history as now written 
is accepted it will consign the South to infamy." 

The South should not be afraid to speak the truth and call 
injustice by its proper name. In failing to do this heretofore 
we have been unjust to the South. 

For fear of offending some personal friends of the North, we 
have assumed an apologetic tone too long; and for fear of fail- 
ing to secure an office or some honor we have allowed politics to 
make us unjust. 

There is no need for any animus to be shown, for no facts 
must be stated which cannot be substantiated by reliable author- 
ity on the other side — out ire must not be afraid to speak boldly. 



PREFACE 

The histories as now written magnify and exalt the New 
England colonies, and the Mayflower crew with bare mention of 
Jamestown Colony, thirteen years older, and the crews of the 
Susan Constant, the Discovery, and the Goodspeed — the names 
of these vessels are not even given in most histories. 

An extended account is always given of the religious faith 
and practice of the New England Colony, but little or nothing 
is said of the religious faith and practice of the Jamestown 
Colony, and no mention of Sir Thomas Dale's Code in the 
Jamestown Colony — that code which enforced daily attendance 
upon Divine worship, penalty for absence, penalty for plas- 
phemy, penalty for speaking evil of the Church, and refusing to 
answer the Catechism, and for neglecting work. 

Histories as now written lay great stress upon the industries 
of the New England colonies, and speak of the South as made 
up of "a landed aristocracy with slavery as its only excuse for 
existence." 

They speak of slavery as a most barbarous institution, and 
while holding Virginia responsible for introducing slaves into 
the American colonies, they say nothing of the slave trade and 
who was responsible for that. They record that William Penn 
urged the freedom of the slaves, and do not tell that William 
Penn died a slaveholder. 

They are careful to tell of the great men of New England, 
which they should do, but they should not make one believe that 
they alone were responsible for making the Nation great. 

While stressing the prominent part taken by their great men, 
they fail to tell you that many of them stood for State Sov- 
ereignty and the right of Secession as strongly as the South did. 
They will tell you of the nineteen patriots at Lexington, but 
overlook entirely the one hundred patriots at Alamance. They 
will tell you of the Boston Tea Party but ignore the tea parties 
at Charleston, Annapolis and other Southern ports, and omit 
the Edenton, (N. C.) tea party where fifty-one patriotic women 
organized the first patriotic organization for women in the 
world — "The Daughters of Liberty." 

II. 



They will tell you of Otis, Samuel Adams, John Adams and 
other men of New England, but make no mention of Edmund 
Pendleton, of Virginia, who first suggested that we should be 
free of English rule, nor of Thomas Nelson, of Virginia, who 
read Pendleton's Resolutions in the Virginia Assembly, nor of 
Richard Henry Lee who was sent to the Continental Congress to 
present these Resolutions, yet these were the Resolutions that 
were adopted and resulted in the Declaration of Independence 
that made us a Nation. 

They will not tell you that the Executive, Judicial and Legis- 
lative branches of the Government were proposed by a South- 
ern man, and that John Marshall of Virginia settled the rela- 
tions of these to the Government. 

They will tell of the great abolition movement, and extol 
William Lloyd Garrison, "Wendell Phillips, John G. Whittier, 
"Walt "Whitman, the Beechers and others, but omit to tell you 
that "Washington, George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, John Ran- 
dolph, James Madison, John Monroe, the Lees and others plan- 
ned to free their slaves and advocated the colonization or the 
gradual emancipation of all slaves. 

They will tell you that Abraham Lincoln "broke the shackles 
that bound the poor slaves," but will not tell you that Abraham 
Lincoln left the poor slaves in non-seceding states still wearing 
the shackles, and a Southern man, John Brooks Henderson of 
Missouri, by the Thirteenth Amendment freed them after Lin- 
coln's death. 

They will tell you that Liberia was bought by a Benevolent 
Society "to colonize the poor slaves," but will not tell you that 
a Southern man was the president of that society, and that the 
capital of Liberia was named Monrovia after James Monroe of 
Virginia, and protected by the Monroe Doctrine. 

They will tell you of the horrible assassination of Abraham 
Lincoln, and it was, but say nothing of the far more horrible 
hanging of Mrs. Surratt, an innocent woman, without judge or 
jury, upon a false accusation, nor of Dalgren's plan to assassi- 
nate Jefferson Davis and his entire Cabinet, and no condemna- 
tion followed. 

They tell of the falsehood of history, that Jefferson Davis 
tried to escape in woman's clothes, and say little of the cowardly 
disguise of Lincoln in entering "Washington. 

III. 



Abraham Lincoln is extolled for continued violations of the 
Constitution and Jefferson Davis maligned for daring to stand 
by it and uphold it. 

Abraham Lincoln's services to the country are magnified and 
Jefferson Davis' services to the Federal government minimized. 
They will tell you of the horrors of Andersonville, and they 
were horrors, but fail to tell you who was responsible for them, 
nor that the mortality was far greater among Southern men in 
Northern prisons, and without excuse. 

The victories of the Northern Army are magnified and the 
victories of the Southern Army mentioned lightly or slightingly. 
They do not tell that General Grant, a slaveholder, was put as 
leader of the Northern Army and General Lee, who had freed 
his slaves, as the leader of the Southern Army, but they do say 
that the war was fought to hold the slaves yet do not tell that 
only 200,000 slaveholders were in the Southern Army, whiie 
315,000 slaveholders were in the Northern Army. 

The South is no longer willing to stand for these misrepre- 
sentations and omissions of history, and a fair-minded North 
will not blame the South, and will be ready to hear her side of 
the story, provided it is given from facts and not traditions. 
General Lee said : 

"Every one should do all in his power to collect and dis- 
seminate the truth, in the hope that it may find a place in 
history and descend to posterity." 
Again General Lee said : 

"History is not the relation of campaigns, and battles, 
and generals or other individuals, but that which shows the 
principles for which the South contended and which justi- 
fied her struggle for those principles." 

General Lee showed he was far more concerned that the cause 
should be vindicated than that he should be glorified or any act 
of his or others be magnified. 

He said also : 

"All that the South has ever asked or desired is that the 
Union founded by our forefathers should be preserved, and 
that the government as was originally organized should be 
administered in purity and truth. ' ' 

Benjamin H. Hill felt great concern about this question. He 
said: 

"We owe it to our dead, to our living, and to our chil- 

IV. 



dren to preserve the truth and repel the falsehoods, so that 
we may secure just judgment from the only tribunal be- 
fore which we may appear and be fully and fairly heard, 
and that tribunal is the bar of history." 
Had the South followed this advice we would not today, after 
sixty or more years have passed, be obliged to correct these false- 
hoods of history. Falsehoods circulated not only in our own 
country, but now widely circulated in foreign countries by such 
writers as George Creel, Booth Tarkington and Dr. Crane. 
Thomas Nelson Page, several years ago, gave the South a great 
warning which we of the South did not heed. He said : 

"In a few years there will be no South to demand a his- 
tory if we leave history as it is now written. How do we 
stand today in the eyes of the world? We are esteemed 
'ignorant, illiterate, cruel, semi-barbarous, a race sunken 
in brutality and vice,' a race of slave drivers who disrupted 
the Union in order to perpetuate human slavery and who 
as a people have contributed nothing to the advancement 
of mankind.' " 
Dr. J. L. M. Curry also warned us. The Confederate Veter- 
ans have through their historians, over and over again, warned 
us. Colonel Louis Guion in 1900 at New Orleans, La., offered 
resolutions providing for history committees to be appointed to 
investigate the text books then being used in our schools. The 
movement started and several objectionable text books were 
ruled out. Other U. C. V. historians did the same. In Col. 
Guion 's speech before that Convention, he called attention to the 
fact that in nearly every history then in use the children were 
being taught that their fathers and grandfathers were "traitors 
and rebels," and that the war was a war of rebellion and they 
were calling it a Civil War. That the children in their literary 
work in schools were reciting "Barbara Frietchie," a myth of 
history by Whittier's own acknowledgment, and were being 
taught that Stonewall Jackson was a Hun in spirit. Also that 
they were reciting "Sheridan's Ride" by Buchanan Read, who 
in the poem alludes to the Confederates as "traitors." 

I have always found the fair-minded men and women of the 
North anxious to hear the South 's side of history. I am sure 
they have no respect for us when we are afraid to tell the truth. 
The South has really more to fear from the omissions of his- 
tory than from falsehoods included in the text books now writ- 



ten. One of the greatest omissions is the heroic part the men in 
the Southern Navy took in the War between the States. 

When the news reached them that Fort Sumter had been 
fired upon, they from a high-toned sense of honor surrendered 
their vessels to the United States Government from whom they 
had received their commission, and then returned home to cast 
in their lot with their own states. This sacrifice was a great one 
and meant giving up all that they had received in education, 
training for the Navy and in the experience they had gained in 
service. It meant foregoing all hope of promotion of honors in 
that line — but they willingly did it for the principle so dear to 
them. They returned to find the South without a navy and 
without means then of securing one. They did their best with 
the vessels available and never murmured. History exalts those 
Southern men who refused to make this sacrifice and remained 
in the United States Navy, but omits to tell the heroic deeds of 
those who under the most trying circumstances won immortal 
renown. History should be made to record the heroic deeds of 
the South as well as of the North. 

Surely the man who organized the United States Naval Acad- 
emy at Annapolis, the man who assisted in the capture of Vera 
Cruz, the man who commanded Perry's flagship in Japan ex- 
pedition and the man who was placed in command of the Navy 
Yard at Washington — to say nothing of that man's services in 
the Confederate Navy, winning the highest honors ever given, 
being the only one to hold the high office of Admiral, deserves a 
prominent place in the United States history. Yet one rarely 
finds the name of Admiral Franklin Buchanan mentioned ex- 
cept in books by Southern men. 

Rear-Admiral Raphael Semmes should hold a high place in 
truthful history not only for his book, "Service Afloat/' but 
ranking as Commander of the "Alabama" with John Paul 
Jones, Decatur, Lawrence, Farragut, Dewey and other great 
naval heroes, and yet we rarely find his name or his deeds men- 
tioned in history outside of his native state. 

The name of Matthew Fontaine Maury, the one who suggested 
organizing the Naval Academy at Annapolis, the one who wrote 
the text book for the United States Navy; the one who revolu- 
tionized the sailing of the world by charts (the voyage around 
Cape Horn being shortened by forty days and at a saving to the 

VI. 



Government of $40,000,000 annually) ; the one who suggested 
the Weather Bureau, and really was the one responsible for the 
National Observatory; the one who made Cyrus Field's Atlantic 
Cable a possibility; the one who redeemed the lands of the 
Mississippi ; the one who established the great circuit routes for 
ocean steamers; the one who traced the great Gulf Stream — 
this man of science cannot be left out of truthful history. His 
name is not even found in the Congressional Library's list of 
noted scientists because he cast his lot with the Confederate 
Cause. 

Maury was invited to become a member of every leading lit- 
erary and scientific society in England and on the Continent; 
he was knighted by Russia, Denmark, Portugal, Belgium, and 
France. Gold medals were bestowed upon him by Prussia, 
Australia , Sweden, Holland, Sardinia, Bremen and France. 
Germany gave him the "Cosmos Medal," the only duplicate ever 
given. Cambridge University, England, gave him the degree 
of LL.D., and Berlin erected a monument to him with this in- 
scription: "A man whom kings delight to honor" and yet his 
own United States people, because he fought for the South, had 
his name erased from his wonderful charts, and refused to let 
him be classed with the great men of science. 

Shall omissions as these in history in justice to the world be 
allowed any longer? 

Had the cause of the South in 1865 prevailed, history would 
have been truthfully written by unprejudiced historians The 
Southern statesmen who had been true to the Constitution could 
better have steered the "Ship of State'' than such men as Thad 
Stevens, Chas. Sumner, Fessenden, Turnbull, Andrew Johnson 
and others. 

It has taken the South many years to get off of that "Rock of 
Offense," the Reconstruction Period. While the South was com- 
batting the destructive forces at work during this time — homes 
were being destroyed, domestic relations were being upset, prop- 
erty was being confiscated, politics was being corrupted, liberty 
of speech, and liberty of the press were being suppressed — the 
North was writing the history unmolested and we of the South 
have allowed this history written from the Northern viewpoint, 
with absolute ignorance of the South, to be taught in our schools 
all these years with an indifference that is truly appalling. 

VII. 



We have allowed our leaders and our soldiers to be spoken of 
as "rebels." Secession was not rebellion. 

"We have allowed them to be called "traitors" — they could 
never convict one Southern man for the stand he took in 1861. 

We have allowed our cause to be spoken of as a " Lost Cause. ' ' 
The Cause for which the Confederate soldier fought was not a 
"Lost Cause." The late w r ar was fought to maintain the very 
same principle — the non-interference with just rights. The 
trouble in 1865 was that the South failed to maintain this prin- 
ciple by force of arms. Being a Republic of Sovereign States 
and not a Nation she had the right to resent any interference 
with rights which had been guaranteed to her by the Constitu- 
tion. The South never has abandoned the principle for which 
she fought nor ever will. By overwhelming arms, 2,850,000 to 
a small handful, comparatively speaking, 600,000, she was forced 
to surrender, and in surrendering she was forced to submit to 
the terms of parole which were that she should never secede 
again. This does not mean that the right to secede is not still 
in the Constitution, but the promise has been made never to try 
it again, and she will keep that promise. 

We have allowed the war to be called a Civil War, because 
the North called it so when history was first written, and by 
allowing this we acknowledged that we were a Nation, not Sov- 
ereign States, and therefore had no right to secede. No wonder 
that the doctrine of State Rights has been so misunderstood ! 

It is with no thought of stirring up sectional strife, but rather 
with the desire of allaying sectional bitterness that I am anxious 
to have the truth known. If the North does not know the 
South 's side of history — and how can she know it if we do not 
tell it to the world — then the historians of the future will con- 
tinue to misrepresent the South, and the South will continue 
to resent the misrepresentations. 

We of the South are not advocating the adoption of any one 
text book, but we are advocating that those text books unjust 
to the South shall be ruled out of our schools, out of our homes, 
out of our public and private libraries, and that new encyclo- 
pedias and books of reference now being sold or given as a 
bribe to secure commendation be carefully examined before 
placed in public or private libraries. 

The great underlying thought which animated the soldiers of 

VIII. 



the Confederacy was their profound regard for the principle of 
State self-government — they were not fighting to hold their 
slaves. Only a very small minority of the men who fought in 
the Southern army were slaveholders. 

"It was the abolitionists of the North who looked on the 

Constitution of the United States as a 'scrap of paper,' 'a 

covenant with death and a league with hell, ' who demanded 

an anti-slavery Constitution, an anti-slavery Bible, and an 

• anti-slavery God. " 

George Lunt, in his "Origin of the Late War," says that such 
men at the North were in the minority. 

The movements for emancipation began early in the South 
and were hindered by the intemperate and fanatical abuse of 
slaveholders by the abolitionists and also by the difficult prob- 
lem of how to regulate the relations of the two races so rad- 
ically different after emancipation. The South fought for the 
right to settle her own domestic affairs, free from any interfer- 
ence on the part of self-constituted advisers. 

The doctrine of States Rights is not well understood. The 
States do not derive their rights from the Constitution, but the 
Constitution derives its rights from the States. 

The States do not derive their rights from the Federal Gov- 
ernment, but each State derives its power from the people of 
the State. At last the people hold the power, and it is not the 
people of all States collectively, but the people of each one of 
the Thirteen Sovereign States, separately, who act in conven- 
tion representing the will of the people, so the people must not 
surrender this power to direct their local affairs to the Govern- 
ment. 

George Bancroft's "History of the United States": 

"The Federal Government is only a common agent for 
the transaction of the business delegated to it by the action 
of the States." 

It is not well understood what are the States Rights that are 
guaranteed by the Constitution. 

Chief Justice Day, of the United States Supreme Court, June 
3, 1918, said: 

"If Congress can regulate matters entrusted to local au- 
thority, the power of the States may be eliminated, and thus 
our system of government be practically destroyed." 

IX. 



President Grover Cleveland said : 

"The doctrine of home rule, as I understand it, lies at 
the foundation of republican institutions, and cannot be 
too strongly insisted upon." 

Thomas Jefferson said: 

"When all government, domestic and foreign, in little 
things as in great things, shall be drawn to Washington 
as the center of all power, it will render powerless the 
checks provided by our government on another, and will 
become venal and oppressive as the government from which 
we have just separated." 

"Life of Webster,'' in American Statesmen Series, by Henry 
Cabot Lodge, Senator from Massachusetts: 

"When the Constitution was adopted by the votes of 
States at Philadelphia, and accepted by the votes of States 
in popular conventions, it is safe to say that there was not 
a man in the country, from Washington and Hamilton, on 
the one side, to George Clinton and George Mason on the 
other, who regarded the new system as anything but an 
experiment entered upon as States, and from which each 
and every State had the right peaceably to withdraw, a 
right which was very likely to be exercised." 

George Clinton of New York, said : 

"The sovereignty of the States, I consider the only 
stable security for the liberties of the people against the 
encroachment of power." 

Rawle's ''View of the Constitution" : 

"The Union was formed by the voluntary agreement of 
the States, and in uniting together they have not forfeited 
their nationality, nor have they been reduced to one and 
the same people. If one of the States chooses to withdraw 
its name from the contract, it would be difficult to disprove 
its right of doing so, and the Federal Government would 
have no means of maintaining its claim, either by force or 
right." 

The South has been very patient, but can afford to be patient 
no longer — she must demand that the truth be told, and the 
truth is all she asks. 

She desires that the truth be told in such a way that peace 
between the sections shall be the result. Peace cannot come 
until the truth is known and acknowledged by both North and 
South. These "Truths of History" are presented with this 
thought in mind. 

X. 



General Bennett H. Young said : 

"The time has come when men may speak freely, kindly, 
and truly of the past. The War between the States with its 
sacrifices has ceased, and peace between the sections with 
its ennobling, refining and uplifting influences has come to 
abide forever. They who would stay its marches and delay 
its reign are the enemies of the Nation's happiness." 

The South should be as quick to resent an injustice to the 
North in history as she now resents an injustice to the South 
by the North. 

Already instances have come to notice where text books 
making false statements about the North have been rejected in 
Southern schools. Will not the North be as magnanimous? 

Read "The Measuring Bod" for testing text-books, and en- 
dorsing books for libraries, which was prepared at the request 
of the Confederate Veterans. Read the "Warning" given. 

Mildred Lewis Rutherford. 

The Villa, Athens, Ga. 



XI. 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

I. 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 
1787, WAS A COMPACT BETWEEN SOVEREIGN 
STATES, AND WAS NOT PERPETUAL NOR 
NATIONAL. 

AUTHORITY : 

Elliott's Debates, Vol. V., p. 214: 

"When the Constitution was outlined and read, the 
words Perpetual Union which had been in the Articles of 
Confederation were omitted. Alexander Hamilton and 
others noticing it, and desiring a Union, opposed the adop- 
tion of the Constitution. Some one moved to have it made 
a National Government, but this motion was unanimously 
defeated. Senator Ellsworth of Connecticut and Senator 
Gorham of Massachusetts have testified to this." 

Daniel Webster, "The Federalist," p. 908 : 

' ' If the states were not left to leave the Union when their 
rights were interfered with, the government would have 
been National, but the Convention refused to baptize it by 
that name." 

Daniel Webster, Capon Springs Speech, in 1851: 

' ' The Union is a Union of States founded upon Compact. 
How is it to be supposed that when different parties enter 
into a compact for certain purposes either can disregard 
one provision of it and expect others to observe the rest ? 

"If the Northern States wilfully and deliberately refuse 
to carry out their part of the Constitution, the South would 
be no longer bound to keep the compact. 

"A bargain broken on one side is broken on all sides." 

Daniel Webster in 1833 said: 

"If a contract, it rests on plighted faith, and the mode 
of redress would be to declare the whole void. States may 
secede if a League or Compact." 

Henry Cabot Lodge says : 

"The weak place in Webster's armour in the Hayne- 
Webster Debate was historical — the facts were against him. 
And Chief Justice Story in that controversy never once 
mentioned secession, he was only stressing nullification." 



2 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

Commentaries on the Constitution, Vol. Ill, p. 287 : 

' ' The attributes of sovereignty are now enjoyed by every 
State in the Union." — Alexander Hamilton. 

"The Thirteen States are Thirteen Sovereignties." — 
James Wilson of Pennsylvania. 

"Each State enjoys sovereign power." — Gouverneur 
Morris. 

"The Government was made by a number of Sovereign 
States. ' ' — Roger Sherman. 

"The Thirteen States are Thirteen Sovereign bodies." 
— Oliver Ellsworth. 

"The States are Nations." — Daniel Webster. 

Every one of these men were delegates to the Constitutional 
Convention except Daniel Webster. 

The Federalist, Chapter VIII, Nos. XI, XXXIX : 

"If it were a consolidated government the assent of a 
majority of the people would be sufficient to establish it. 
but it is to be binding on the people of each State, and only 
by their own separate consent." 

Alexander Hamilton, "The Federalist," Vol. LX. : 

"If the Constitution is adopted (and it was) the Union 
will be in fact and in theory an association of States or a 
Confederacy. ' ' 

Daniel Webster, U. S. Senate, Feb. 15, 1833 : 

' ' If the Union was formed by the accession of States then 
the Union may be dissolved by the secession of States. ' ' 

Benjamin Franklin, Franklin Works, Vol. V., p. 409 : 

"The States acceded to the Constitution." 
Judge Story: 

"If the Constitution is a compact then the States have a 
right to secede." 

George Bancroft, History of the United States: 

"The States that gave life to the Union are necessary to 
the continuance of that life." 
James Buchanan : 

"Rawle taught at West Point that the Union was an 
association of independent republics." 

Charles Francis Adams, "Constitutional Ethics of Secession/' 
pp. 16, 17: 

"William Rawle was an eminent Philadelphia lawyer 
and was twenty-nine years of age when the Constitution 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 3 

was adopted. He was, for many years, Chancellor of the 
Law Association of Philadelphia and principal author of 
the revised Code of Pennsylvania, and stood in the foremost 
rank of the legal luminaries of the first third of the cen- 
tury." 

George Bancroft says : 

"The Constitution was adopted first by States in Con- 
vention, each State acting for itself in its own sovereign 
capacity." 

Lord Brougham said: 

' ' The devising of means for keeping its integrity as a 
federacy, while the rights and powers of the individual 
States are maintained entire, is the greatest refinement of 
social policy to which any age has ever given birth." 



II. 
Secession Was Not Rebellion 
AUTHORITY : 
Dr. Henry Wade Rogers, Dean of the Law Department of Yale : 
"When peace came it was found that the Articles of 
Confederation were weak, in that the Central government 
could not legally assume sovereign power — that power re- 
sided in those free, sovereign and independent States, and 
there was no delegation of any rights to a central head. 

"It became necessary, therefore, to change the Articles 
of Confederation so that the States should be brought to 
cooperate, by realizing that the government should not be 
a perpetual Union, but an agreement by which certain 
rights were reserved for the Federal government, and cer- 
tain rights were reserved for the State." 
Rawle's "View of the Constitution" was a text-book used at 
West Point. Rawle said: 

"It will depend upon the State itself whether it will 
continue a member of the Union." 

' ' If the States are interfered with they may wholly with- 
draw from the Union." (pp. 289, 290). 

"General Lee told Bishop Wilmer, of Louisiana, that if 
it had not been for the instruction received from Rawle 's 
text-book at West Point he would not have left the United 
States Army and joined the Confederate Army at the 
breaking out of the War between the States." 



4 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

Benjamin T. Wade, Senator from Ohio, 1858 : 

"Who is to be the final arbiter — the government or the 
States— why, to yield the right of the States to protect its 
own citizens would consolidate this government into a mis- 
erable despotism." 

Goldwin Smith of Cornell University: 

T.he Southern leaders ought not to have been treated as 
rebels — secession is not rebellion." 

Judge Black, of Pennsylvania, said : 

"John Quincy Adams, in 1839, and Abraham Lincoln, 
1847, made elaborate arguments in favor of the legal right 
of a State to Secede." — Black's Essays. 

American Conflict, Horace Greeley, Vol. I, p. 359 : 

"Let the people be told why they wish to break up the 
Confederation, and let the act of secession be the echo of an 
unmistakable popular fiat. Then those who rush to carnage 
to try to defeat it would place themselves clearly in the 
wrong. ' ' 

Again Horace Greeley said: 

"If the Declaration of Independence justified the seces- 
sion of 3,000,000 colonists in 1776, I do not see why the 
Constitution ratified by the same men should not justify the 
secession of 5,000,000 of the Southerners from the Federal 
Union in 1861."— New York Tribune. 

Again he says : 

"We have repeatedly said, and we once more insist that 
the great principle embodied by Jefferson in the Declara- 
tion of Independence that government derives its power 
from the consent of the governed is sound and just, then if 
the Cotton States, the Gulf States or any other States 
choose to form an independent nation thev have a clear 
right to do it." 

Abraham Lincoln said : 

"Any people whatever have a right to abolish the exist- 
ing government and form a new one that suits them better. ' ' 
— Congressional Records, 1847). 

George Lunt, of Massachusetts, says: 

"Had Buchanan in 1860 sent an armed force to prevent 
the nullification of the Fugitive Slave Law, as Andrew 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 5 

Jackson threatened to do in 1833, there would have been a 
secession of fifteen Northern States instead of thirteen 
Southern States. " — Origin of Late War. 

Benjamin J. Williams, of Lowell, Mass., in his book, Died For 
Their State, said : 

"In the celebrated resolutions of 1789, Mr. Madison and 
Mr. Jefferson declared that each State had an equal right 
to be its own judge. If so, then, the right of secession by 
the South could have followed, and each State has the right 
to judge if the infraction is sufficient to warrant her with- 
drawal." 
The Ordinance of Secession was simply the States resuming 
their delegated sovereign powers in order to organize a Union 
that would stand by the Constitution. That they had the right 
to do this, see Hallam's "Constitutional History of England," 
Vol. II., p. 219. 
Abraham Lincoln said : 

"Any people that can may revolutionize and make their 
own of so much of the territory as they inhabit. ' '—Appendix 
to Congressional Globe, 30th Congress, p. 94. 
C. W. Cottom, in a letter to Secretary of Treasury, Howell Cobb 
in 1860, said: 

"The action of the Southern States in seceding from a 
Union which refused to recognize and protect their Con- 
stitutional rights meets with my most cordial approbation." 

Lunt's "Origin of the Late War," p. 435, says that in a letter 
sent to Fanueil Hall, Mr. Everett said : 

"If our sister States must leave us, in the name of 
Heaven let them go in peace. ' ' 
George Lunt, in his "Origin of the Late War," (D. Apple- 
ton & Co.) : 

"Had the Democrats won out in 1860 the Northern 
States would have been the seceding States not the South- 
ern." 
Edward Everett Hale, in his "Life of William Seward," says: 
' ' The Civil "War will not be treated as a rebellion, but as 
a great event in the history of our nation which, after forty 
years, it is clearly recognized to have been." 

Horace Greeley: 

"The right to secede may be a revolutionary one, but it 
exists nevertheless; and we do not see how one party can 
have a right to do what another party has a right to pre- 



6 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

vent. We must ever resist the asserted right of any State 
to remain in the Union and nullify or defy the laws there- 
of; to withdraw from the Union is another matter. And 
when a section of our Union resolves to go out, we shall 
resist any coercive acts to keep it in. We hope never to 
live in a Republic where one section is pinned to the other 
section by bayonets. "—New York Tribune. 

In the Republican Platform that elected Abraham Lincoln is 
found : 

"The inviolable rights of each State to order and control 
its own domestic institutions." 

Charles Beecher Stowe, the son of Harriet Beecher Stowe, 
said : 

"When the South drew the sword to defend the doctrine 
of States Rights and the institution of slavery, they cer- 
tainly had on their side the Constitution and the laws of 
the land for the National Constitution justified the doc- 
trine of States Rights." 

Again, Charles Beecher Stowe said : 

"Is it not perfectly evident that there was a great re- 
bellion, but the rebels were the men of the North, and the 
men who defended the Constitution were the men of the 
South, for they defended States Rights and slavery, which 
were distinctly entrenched within the Constitution." 

Timothy Pickering, of Massachusetts, was the first to threaten 
secession. 

Josiah Quincy, of Massachusetts, was the first to mention se- 
cession in Congressional Halls — 1811. 

_ John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, was the first to peti- 
tion Congress to dissolve the Union. 

Charles Francis Adams testified that there was no doubt but 
that his grandfather, John Quincy Adams, believed that a State 
had the right to secede. 

New York Herald, Nov. 11, 1860 : 

"The South has an undeniable right to secede from the 
Union. In the event of secession, the City of New York, 
and the State of New Jersey, and very likely Connecticut 
will separate from New England when the black man is put 
on a pinnacle above the white." 
George Lunt's "Origin of the Late War": 

"Despairing of their rights in the Union, the Southern 
leaders advised the Southern States to throw themselves 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY ? 

back on their reserved rights and withdraw from the Union 

—but it was too late. *. nr - n -l. * • iqci 

"This could have been done m 1850 but not in l° bl - 
"No State has been more conspicuous in Pressing tne 
claims of State Rights from the earliest period than Massa- 
chusetts. ' ' 

George Lunt : 

"The maintenance of the authority of the Stats over mat- 
ters purely local is as essential to the preservation of our 
institutions as is the conservation of the supremacy of the 
Federal power in all matters entrusted to the nation by the 
Federal Constitution. 

"The power of the States to regulate their purely in- 
ternal affairs of such laws as seem wise to the local author- 
ity is inherent and has never been surrendered to the gen- 
eral government." 
Chief Justice Day, in a Decision of the U. S. Supreme Court, 
June 3, 1918 : 

"If Congress can regulate matters entrusted to local au- 
thority, the power of the States may be eliminated and thus 
our system of government be practically destroyed. 

III. 
The North Was Responsible for the War Between the States 

AUTHORITY : 

The New York Herald, April 7, 1861 : 

"Unless Mr. Lincoln's administration makes the first 
demonstration and attack, President Davis says there will 
be no bloodshed. With Mr. Lincoln's administration, there- 
fore, rests the responsibility of precipitating a collision, and 
the fearful evils of protracted war." 

The New York Herald, April 5, 1861 : 

"We have no doubt Mr. Lincoln wants the Cabinet at 
Montgomery to take the initiative by capturing two_ forts 
in its waters, for it would give him the opportunity of 
throwing the responsibility of commencing hostilities. Kilt 
the country and posterity will hold him just as responsible 
as if he struck the first blow." 

Sheppard's "Life of Lincoln": 

"Please present my compliments to General Scott and 
tell him confidentially to be prepared to hold or retake the 
forts as the case may require after my inauguration. — 
Abraham Lincoln. 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

Horton's History, p. 71: 

"The withdrawal of the Southern States from the Union 
was m no sense a declaration of war upon the Federal gov- 
ernment but the Federal government declared war on them 
as history will show." 

Gideon Welles: 

"There was not a man in the Cabinet that did not know 

that an attempt to reinforce Sumter would be the first 

blow of the war." 
Seward said : 

"Even preparation to reinforce will precipitate war." 
Stephen Douglas said: 

"Lincoln is trying to plunge the country into a cruel war 
as the surest means of destroying the Union upon the plea 
ot enforcing the laws and protecting public property." 
Zack Chandler wrote to Governor Blair: 

"The manufacturing States think a war will be awful 
but without a little blood-letting the Union will not be worth 
a curse." 

Governor Moore, of Alabama (Cousin & Hill, p. 371), says: 

"I have had a conference with Secretary Mallory of 
1 ' londa and Secretary Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, in which 
they informed me that they and Secretary Sidell had a 
personal interview with the President and the Secretarv of 
JNavy and were assured by them that no attack would be 
made upon Fort Sumter and Fort Pickens or any excuse 
given for the shedding of blood during the present admin- 
istration." 

General Bragg (0. R. I., p. 457), says: 

"They have placed an engineer officer at Fort Pickens 
to violate, as I consider, our agreement not to reinforce I 
do not believe that we are entirely absolved from all agree- 
ment of January 29." 

Horton's History, p. 109: 

"The first gun of the war was the gun put into that war 
fleet that sailed against Charleston. The first gun fired at 
*ort Sumter was the first gun in self-defense. This is the 
simple fact stripped of all nonsensical with which it has 
been surrounded by Abolitionists." 

Hosmer, "History of the American Nation," Vol. XX, p. 20: 
"The determination expressed by Lincoln in his Inaug- 
ural Address to hold, occupy and possess the propertv and 
places belonging to the United States precipitated the out- 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 9 

break, and his determination to collect duties and imports 
was practically an announcement of an offensive war." 

William Seward said : 

"The attempt to reinforce Sumter will provoke war. The 
very preparation of such an expedition will precipitate war. 
I would instruct Anderson to return from Sumter." 

J. G. Holland's "Life of Lincoln": 

"Up to the fall of Sumter Lincoln had no basis for ac- 
tion in the public feeling. After the fall of Sumter he 
could act.' 

"Most of Lincoln's ministers were against the reinforce- 
ment of Fort Sumter." 

Medill, of the Chicago Tribune, says : 

"In 1864 when the call for extra troops came Chicago 
revolted. Chicago had sent 22,000 and was drained. 
There were no young men to go, no aliens, except what was 
already bought. The citizens held a mass meeting and 
appointed three men of whom I (Medill) was one to go to 
Washington and ask Stanton to give Cook County a new 
enrollment. He refused. Then we went to President Lin- 
coln. 'I cannot do it,' said Lincoln, 'but I will go with you 
to Stanton and hear the arguments on both sides.' 

"So we went over to the War Department together. 
Stanton and General Frye were there and they both con- 
tended that the quota should not be changed. The argu- 
ment went on for some time, and was finally referred to 
Lincoln who had been silently listening. When appealed to, 
Lincoln turned to us. with a black and frowning face: 
'Gentlemen,' he said, with a voice full of bitterness, 'after 
Boston, Chicago has been the chief instrument in bringing 
this war on the country. The Northwest opposed the South, 
as New England opposed the South. It is you, Medill, who 
is largely responsible for making blood flow as it has. You 
called for war until you had it. 7 have given it to you. 
What you have asked for you have had. Now you come 
here begging to be let off from the call for more men, which 
I have made to carry on the war you demanded. You ought 
to be ashamed of vourselves. Go home and raise your 
6,000 men."— Tarbell's "Life of Lincoln," Vol. II., p. 144. 

The New York Express April 15, 1861, said : 

"The people petitioned and pleaded, begged and im- 
plored Lincoln and Seward to be heard before matters 
were brought to a blood extreme, but their petitions were 
spurned and treated with contempt." 



10 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

In "The Opening of the Twentieth Century" these words are 
found : 

"The war was inaugurated by the North, and defended 
on an unconstitutional basis." 

Hallam's "Constitutional History": 

"The aggressor in war is not the first who uses force, but 
the first who renders force necessary." 

Benjamin Williams, of Lowell, Massachusetts, said : 

"The South was invaded and a war of subjugation was 
begun by the Federal government against the seceding 
States in amazing disregard of the foundation principle of 
its existence — and the South accepts the contest forced 
upon her with a courage characteristic of this proud-spirit- 
ed people. 

"The North had no Constitutional right to hold Fort 
Sumter in case the States seceded and to hold it meant war." 

Horton, pp. 71, 72: 

"The forts in the South were partnership property; and 
each State was an equal party in ownership. The Federal 
government was only a general agent of the real partners — 
the States — which composed the Union. The forts were de- 
signed to protect the States, and in case of withdrawal of a 
State the forts went with the State. 

"South Carolina could not deprive New York of her 
forts, nor could New York deprive South Carolina of hers. 
The seceding States were perfectly willing to settle matters 
in a friendly way. They wore striving only to resume the 
powers they had delegated." 

Senator Joseph Lane, of Oregon, in reply to Andrew Johnson 
in regard to the Crittenden Resolution (Congressional Globe, 
36th Congress, p. 1347), said: 

"If there is, as I contend, a right for secession, then when- 
ever a State exercises that right this Government has no 
laws to execute in that State, nor has it any property in 
such State that can be protected by the power of that Gov- 
ernment." 

John Codman Rope-, in his "Story of the Civil War," says: 

"The South claimed that she had the right to demand the 
forts, arsenals and government property in her States — 
these were her sovereign rights. If South Carolina had this 
sovereign right to demand the surrender of the fort within 
her jurisdiction, and it belonged to South Carolina as soon 
as she resumed her sovereign right, then President Lincoln 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 11 

had no right to hold it against her demand — nor to arm or 
provision it by force. The U. S. Government could not 
have erected it on South Carolina's soil without South Car- 
olina's consent, and the action of Lincoln was that of cen- 
tralized despotism. Governor Pickens sent I. W. Hayne, 
the Attorney General of South Carolina, to President 
Buchanan saying that the fort was necessary for the pro- 
tection of the State it was erected to protect — and that 
South Carolina was willing to pay a full valuation in settle- 
ment between the State and the government." 

John Codman Ropes, in his "Story of the Civil War," pp. 17, 
18, again says : 

"The States which seceded held, it must be remembered, 
the theory that the United States was not a single nation, 
but a collection of nations, which had for many years acted 
for certain purposes through an agency known as the Gov- 
ernment of the United States. To this government tracts 
of land had been ceded by the different States, that on them 
might be erected light-houses, forts, arsenals, court-houses, 
post offices, and the like, all subserving the general welfare, 
and particularly, that of the State making the cession. 
These buildings had all been erected at the public expense, 
and by the general government. The munitions of war, 
the money, the public property, contained in them belonged 
to the general government as the agent of all the States 
united. They were, so to speak, partnership property, and 
the title to this property stood in the name of the agent of 
all the parties belonging to the firm. 

"If this view of the matter had been accepted, and the 
right of the State to secede had been conceded there is no 
doubt that it would have been generally granted that the 
forts, arsenals, post offices and other public buildings lying 
within the State which withdrew from the Union ought to 
have been turned over to that State. 

"The South knowing she had the right to secede took this 
view of the question and seized the property." 

Wendell Phillips said: 

' ' Here are a series of States girding the Gulf which think 
they should have an independent government : they have the 
right to decide this question without appealing to you or 
to me. 

"Let the South go! Let her go with flags flying and 
trumpets blowing! Give her her forts, her arsenals, and 
her sub-treasuries. Speed the parting guest! All hail do- 
minion ! Beautiful on the mountains are the feet of them 
who bring the glad tidings of disunion. ' ' 



12 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

Senator Lane, again says : 

"No, Sir, the policy of this government is to inveigle the 
people of the North into civil war by making the design in 
smooth and ambiguous terms." 

George Lunt says : 

"The Relief Squadron which was twenty-three days get- 
ting ready at Norfolk (while the peace commissioners were 
kept waiting in Washington) bore the aspect certainly of 
a manoeuvre, which military persons denominate 'stealing 
a march!' " 

"History will record that the woes and sacrifices caused 
by the war might have been saved by a little manliness on 
the part of the Republican leaders at this time." 

George Lunt, "Origin of Late War," p. 485: 

"The external aspect of the affair off Charleston which 
precipitated the war is that of a boy 'spoiling for a fight' 
who places a chip on the rim of his hat, and dares his com- 
petitor to knock it off." 

Percy Gregg, p. 158 : 

"The Government was bound in honor to hand over to 
the seceding States their fair share of armaments created 
at common expense." 

George Lunt: 

' ' In 1833 there was a surplus revenue of many millions in 
the public treasury which by an act of legislation unparal- 
led in the history of nations was distributed among the 
Northern States to be used for local public improvements." 

President Buchanan, in his message to Congress, said : 

"The South had not had her share of money from the 
treasury, and unjust discrimination had been made against 
her in coast defenses." 

John Codjvian Ropes, pp. 17 and 18 : 

"For many years before 1860 the Federal Government 
had all rifles and muskets manufactured near Troy, N. Y., 
to be deposited in Northern arsenals, so all the new guns 
were in possession of the North. After the attack by John 
Brown it was suggested that the South 's quota of arms 
should be distributed, and Secretary Floyd then ordered 
the guns sent to the arsenals at Charleston, S. C, and the 
arsenals in North Carolina, Augusta, Ga., Mt. Vernon, Ala., 
and Baton Rouge, La. This was before Abraham Lincoln 
w r as nominated. This was done by an act of the Federal 
Government — not by any Southern statesman with any 
thought of war." 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 13 

The unpreparedness for war, when war came, shows that the 
South did not even then receive anything like her just propor- 
tion. 

See Congressional Records: 

"It was a Pittsburg manufacturer that selfishly lobbied 
a bill through Congress for cannon to arm the unfurnished 
Southern forts. The bill was passed by the friends of the 
iron founders, without the knowledge of or solicitation of 
Secretary Floyd." 

"Secretary Floyd simply obeyed Congress and ordered 
the arms sent but Secretary Holt, hearing of it, stopped the 
shipment, so the South never received the arms." 

Percy Gregg, p. 158, says: 

"The Government was bound in honor to hand over to 
the seceding States their full share of armaments created at 
common expense." 



IV. 

The War Between the States Was Not Fought to Hold the 

Slaves 

AUTHORITY : 
A Resolution was passed unanimously by Congress July 23, 
1861: 

"The war is waged by the Government of the United 
States, not in the spirit of conquest or subjugation, nor for 
the purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights 
or institutions of the states, but to defend and protect the 
Union." 

Abraham Lincoln, in his Inaugural Address : 

' ' I have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with 
the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I 
believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no in- 
clination to do so." 

George Lunt's "Origin of the Late War," p. 432: 

"A war simply for the abolition of slavery would not 
have enlisted a dozen regiments at the North." 

Unanswerable arguments will be found in the facts that a 
slaveholder, General U. S. Grant, was placed in command of the 
Union Army, and General Robert E. Lee who had freed his 



14 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

slaves put in command of the Confederate forces. Two hun- 
dred thousand slaveholders only were in the Southern Army 
while three hundred and fifteten thousand slaveholders were in 
the Northern Army. 

General Grant (Democratic Speaker's Handbook, p. 33), said: 
"Should I become convinced that the object of the Gov- 
ernment is to execute the wishes of the abolitionists, I 
pledge you my honor as a man and a soldier I would re- 
sign my commission and carry my sword to the other side." 

Simon Cameron, Lincoln's Secretary of "War, wrote to General 
Butler in New Orleans: 

"President Lincoln desires the right to hold slaves to be 
fully recognized. The war is prosecuted for the Union 
hence no question concerning slavery will arise." 

Governor William Sprague, Rhode Island's war Governor, 
said : 

"We had to take a lot of abuse in return for an endorse- 
ment of Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. 
We were hissed in the streets and denounced as traitors." 

James Ford Rhodes, Vol. IV, p. 73 : 

"A large portion of our regular officers with many of the 
volunteers evidence far more solicitude to uphold slavery 
than to put down the rebellion." 

Percy Gregg: 

"To say that the South seceded and fought to hold her 
slaves is to accuse her of political imbecility." 

Channing's ''Short History of the United States": 

"The Union Army showed the greatest sympathy with 
McClellan for the bold protest against emancipation. Five 
States, Indiana, Illinois, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York 
went against Lincoln on this account. While Lincoln felt 
he could free the slaves as a war measure, he knew the 
North would not approve of freeing them. ' ' 

George Lunt, "Origin of the Late War": 

"Had not the Constitution provided for representation 
and taxation based on slave labor, and for the restoration 
of the fugitive slave there would have been no war — slavery 
was only an incident out of which grew questions regard- 
ing State rights and rights of Territories seeking to become 
States. But whether slavery was here rightfully or wrong- 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 15 

fully it was here under the protection of the law and not 
subject to be taken away by violence or any insidious device 
of abstraction." 
George Lunt again says, p. 10 (Introduction) : 

' ' In presenting the causes which led to the war, it will be 
seen that slavery, though an occasion was not in reality the 
cause of the war." 
George Lunt, p. XII, (Introduction) : 

"Disregard of the rights of the South led to an unnatural 
war, and the policy wrought an irreparable injury, if not 
absolute ruin of the unhappy race they professed to love." 

George Lunt, p. XI, (Introduction) : 

"Anti-slavery was of no serious consequence until poli- 
ticians seized upon it as an instrument of agitation — an 
alleged diversity of interests between the sections involving 
political power." 
Chase, then Secretary of War under Lincoln, said : 

"Not war upon slavery within those limits, but fixed op- 
position to its extension beyond them. Mr. Lincoln was the 
candidate of the people not for abolition but as opposed to 
the extension of slavery." 

V. 

Slaves Were Not Ill-Treated in the South. The North Was 

Largely Responsible for Their Presence in the South. 

AUTHORITY : 
The servants were very happy in their life upon the old planta- 
tions. William Makepeace Thackeray, on a lecture tour in 
America, visited a Southern plantation. In "Roundabout 
Papers" he gives this impression of the slaves: 

' ' How they sang ! How they danced ! How they laughed ! 
How they shouted ! How they bowed and scraped and com- 
plimented! So free, so happy! I saw them dressed on Sun- 
day in their Sunday best — far better dressed than our 
English tenants of the working class are in their holiday 
attire. To me, it is the dearest institution I have ever seen 
and these slaves seem far better off than any tenants I have 
seen under any other tenantry system." 

Major General Quitman of the United States Army thus de- 
scribed life on the "Old Plantation" in 1822 while stationed in 
Mississippi : 

The mansions of the planters are thrown open to all 
comers and goers free of charge. The owner of this planta- 



16 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

tion is the widow of a Virginia gentleman of distinction, 
who was an officer in the last war with Great Britain. 

"Her slaves are a happy, careless, unreflecting, good na- 
tured race. They are strongly attached to 'old massa,' and 
'old missus'; but their devotion to 'young massa' and 'young 
missus' amounts to enthusiasm. While in a way these slaves 
appear to be free, they are very obedient and polite and 
they do their work well. 

"These 'niggers,' as you call them, are the happiest peo- 
ple I have ever seen. They are oily, sleek, bountifully fed, 
well clothed and well taken care of. One hears them at all 
times whistling and singing cheerily at their work 

"But a negro will sleep — sleep at his work, sleep on his 
carriage box, sleep standing up, sleep bare-headed in the 
sun, and sleep sitting on a high rail fence. Yet, compared 
with the ague-smitten and suffering settlers in Ohio, or the 
sickly, half-starved operatives in the factories and mines of 
the North and the Northeast, these Southern slaves are in- 
deed to be envied. They are treated with such great hu- 
manity and kindness." 

Chas. E. Stowe, the son of Harriet Beecher Stowe, in speaking 
at a negro college, said : 

"If you ask me if the slaves were better off under the in- 
stitution of slavery than they are under freedom, I must in 
candor answer that some w r ere — they were not fit for free- 
dom." 
Again, he said : 

"If slavery was an unutterably evil institution how can 
you account for the faithfulness of the negroes on the plan- 
tations when the men were at the front, and no act of vio- 
lence known among them?" 

An Eminent Pennsylvania Lawyer said: 

"An institution that could produce the Christian fidelity 
of 'Uncle Tom,' the faithful tenderness of 'Aunt Chloe.' and 
the patience and love of 'Eva's Mammy' must be indeed a 
great one!" 

American Authors, p. 492 : 

"Slavery transformed the savage negro into a civilized 
man ; it taught him to work, and showed him what could be 
accomplished by the labor of his hands; and then it left 
him as a free man with almost a monopoly of the field in 
which he had been employed as a slave. In 1865 no other 
body of negroes in the world occupied as advantageous a po- 
sition economically as those in the Southern States." 

"After 100 years of Southern civilization, the North voted 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 17 

him the equal of the white man socially and politically— a 
marvelous tribute to the civilization of the Old South." 

If African slavery was a sin, the Spaniards and English were 
the sinners. It is true the slave trade in the United States was 
begun by Massachusetts, and in the main carried on by her, not 
as a private enterprise, but by the authority of the Plymouth 
Rock Colony. (Colonial Entry Book, Vol. IV., p. 724) 

The statute of establishing perpetual slavery was adopted by 
Massachusetts, December, 1641. (Massachusetts Historical Col- 
lections, VIII., p. 231). 

The slave ship Desire sailed from Marblehead, Mass., and was 
the first to sail from any English colony in America to capture 
Africans. 

The first State to legislate in favor of the slave trade was 
Massachusetts. 

The first State to urge a fugitive slave law was Massachusetts. 
(Moore's History of Slavery). 

The last State to legislate against the slave trade was Massa- 
chusetts. The British Encyclopedia says New Jersey. 

The last slave ship to sail from the United States was the 
Nightingale from Massachusetts in 1861. She secured a cargo of 
900 Africans, and was captured by the Saratoga under Captain 
Guthrie, April 21, 1861, after Fort Sumter had been fired on. 
There is no record that any punishment followed this violation 
of the law. 

"The Cradle of Liberty," Fanueil Hall, in Boston, was built 
by Peter Faneuil, its owner, from slave trade money. 

Girard College, in Philadelphia, was built by Stephen Girard 
with money made by African slaves on a Louisiana plantation. 
The slaveholder has been accused of cruelty in separating 
mother and child on the slave block. The selling of slaves in the 
South did not separate mother and child as often or with such 
cruelty as did the slave traffic in Africa— as did the hiding of 
the fugitive slave from their owners— as did the "Exodus Or- 
der" in Reconstruction days. 

White slavery in the North today is responsible for far more 

evils than ever came from the institution of slavery in the South. 

The Southern planter has been accused of cruelty to his slaves 

— no cruelty on the part of any overseer can compare to that of 



18 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

the middle passage on the slave ships, where, on that long voy- 
age, they were huddled as standing cattle and suffered from hun- 
ger and thirst so that they died by the hundreds, or cast them- 
selves overboard. 

Let it be remembered that no Southern man ever owned a 
slave ship. No Southern man ever commanded a slave ship. 
No Southern man ever went to Africa for slaves. 

General Lee said, "There was no doubt that the blacks were 
immeasurably better off here than they were in Africa — morally, 
physically and socially." He thought the freeing of them 
should be left in God's hands and not be settled by tempestuous 
controversy. 

The South has been vilified for not educating the negro in the 
days of slavery. 

The South was giving to the negro the best possible education 
— that education that fitted him for the workshop, the field, the 
church, the kitchen, the nursery, the home. This was an educa- 
tion that taught the negro self-control, obedience and persever- 
ance — yes, taught him to realize his weaknesses and how to grow 
stronger for the battle of life. The institution of slavery as it 
was in the South, so far from degrading the negro, was fast 
elevating him above his nature and his race. 

No higher compliment was ever paid the institution of slavery 
than that by the North, which was willing to make the negro its 
social and political equal after one hundred years of civilization 
under Southern Christianizing influence. Never has it been 
recorded in history such rapid civilization from savagery to 
Christian citizenship. 

The black man ought to thank the institution of slavery — the 
easiest road that any slave people have ever passed from savagery 
to civilization with the kindest and most humane masters. Hun- 
dreds of thousands of the slaves in 1865 were professing Chris- 
tians and many were partaking of the communion in the church 
of their masters. — "Civilization of the Old South," Historian- 
General, U. D. C, Dallas, Texas. 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 19 

Coercion Was Not Constitutional 
AUTHORITY: 

William Seward to London Times Correspondent, Mr. Russell, 
April 4, 1861 : 

"It would be contrary to the spirit of the American Gov- 
ernment to use force to subjugate the South." 

Mr. Seward to Charles Francis Adams, Sr., Minister to Eng- 
land, April 10, 1861 : 

"Only a despotic and imperial government ca^ coerce 
seceding States." 

Edward Everett: 

"To try to hold fifteen States to the Union is preposter- 
ous. ' ' 

President James Buchanan to Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary 

of "War : 

"There is no power under the Constitution to coerce a 
seceding State." 

The New York Herald : 

' ' The day before Fort Sumter was surrendered two-thirds 
of the newspapers in the North opposed coercion in any 
shape or form, and sympathized with the South. Three- 
fifths of the entire American people sympathized with the 
South. Over 200,000 voters opposed coercion and believed 
the South had a right to secede. ' ' 

"The Journal of Commerce fought coercion until the 
United States mail refused to carry its papers in 1861." 

Charles Sumner said : 

"Nothing can possibly be so horrible, so wicked or so 
foolish as a war against the South. ' ' 

James S. Thayer, of New York, on January 21, 1861, said : 

"If the incoming Administration shall attempt to carry 
out a line of policy which has been foreshadowed, and con- 
struct a scaffold for coercion — another name for execution 
— we will reverse the order of the French Revolution and 
save the blood of the people by making those who would in- 
augurate a 'Reign of Terror' the first victim of a national 
guillotine." (Enthusiastic applause). 



20 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

Charles Beecher Stowe said: 

"Many patriotic men of the South who cared little or 
nothing about slavery were stirred with the deepest indig- 
nation at the suggestion of the National government sub- 
duing a sovereign State by force of arms, and said that a 
Union that could only be held together by bayonets had bet- 
ter be dissolved ; and for the principle of State rights and 
State sovereignty the Southern men fought with a holy 
ardor and self-denying patriotism that have covered even 
defeat with imperishable glory." 

James Buchanan's Message, December 3, I860: 

"Congress may possess many means of preserving the 
Union by conciliation, but the sword was not placed in its 
hand to preserve it by force. ' ' 

Lincoln, when asked how he could advocate coercion, replied: 

"What is to become of my revenue in New York if there 
is a ten per cent, tariff at Charleston?" 

George Lunt : 

"The majority in the North believed that Lincoln had 
no right to coerce the States." 

In the American Statesmen Series, Morse in Vol. II., "Life 
of Abraham Lincoln/' says: 

"History is crowded with tales of despots, but of no 
despot who thought or decided with the taciturn independ- 
ence which marked this president of the Free American 
Republic in regard to coercing seceding States." 

In the Platform of the Republican Party is found this state- 
ment : 

"We denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the 
soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as 
among the gravest crimes." 

Senator Trumbull, of Illinois, the special expositor of Mr. Lin- 
coln's views, said in a speech in the Senate: 

"Congress adjourned without taking action on coercion, 
showing, of course, the prevalent opinion on the Constitu- 
tional question. " (Carpenter's "Logic of Historxj," p. 50) . 

Horace Greeley, "American Conflict," p. 513: 

"There was not a moment when a large portion of the 
Northern Democracy were not hostile to any form or shade 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 21 

of coercion. Many openly condemned and stigmatized a 
war on the South as atrocious, unjustifiable, and ag- 
gressive." 
Ex-Governor Reynolds, Illinois, December 28, 1860 : 

"I am heart and soul with the South. She is right in 
principle from the Constitution." 

VII. 
The Federal Government Was Responsible for the Anderson- 

ville Horrors 
AUTHORITY : 

Charles A. Dana, Assistant Secretary of War, said: 

"We think after the testimony given that the Confederate 
authorities and especially Mr. Davis ought not to be held 
responsible for the terrible privations, suffering, and in- 
juries which our men had to endure while kept in Confed- 
erate Military Prisons, the fact is unquestionable that while 
Confederates desired to exchange prisoners to send our 
men home, and to get back their own men, General Grant 
steadily and strenuously resisted such an exchange. — ISew 
York Sun. 

General Butler said : 

"The reason for this was that the exchange of prisoners 
would strengthen Lee's army and greatly prolong the war. 

General Grant said : 

"Not to take any steps by which an able-bodied man 
should be exchanged until orders were received from him. 
Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton's statistics testify that 
while there were fifty thousand more of prisoners in Southern 
prisons than in Northern, the mortality among Southern men in 
Northern prisons was far greater. 
General Grant, again, said : 

If we hold these men caught they are no more than dead 
men. If we liberate them we will have to fight on until the 
whole South is exterminated." 
This agrees with General Lee's testimony (Official Records War 
of the Rebellion) : 

"I offered General Grant to send into his lines all of the 



22 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

prisoners within my Department provided he would return 
man for man. When I notified the Confederate authorities 
of my proposition, I was told if accepted they would gladly 
place at my disposal every man in our Southern prisons. I 
also made this offer to the Committee of the United States 
Sanitary Commission— but my propositions were not ac- 
cepted." 

There was never any trouble about lack of provisions at An- 
dersonville, as has been so often stated. There was an abundant 
supply of the rations that the soldiers and prisoners needed, but 
the trouble came because of the over-crowded condition of the 
stockade. It was made for 10,000 and in four months 29,000 
were sent. 

There were 6,000 sick in the hospitals at one time and no med- 
icine — the first time in the history of wars when medicine was 
made contraband of war. 

Medicine Contraband op War. (See Dr. Gardner's testimony) . 

The United States government early declared by procla- 
mation or order all medicines, surgical instruments and ap- 
pliances contraband of war, and they were so regarded to 
the end of the struggle. 

"The ill temper and inhumanity of the time in the North 
extended even to the medical profession, as evidenced at the 
convention of the American Medical Association, held in 
Chicago, in 1863, when Dr. Gardner, of New York, intro- 
duced preamble and resolutions petitioning the Northern 
government to repeal the orders declaring medical and sur- 
gical appliances contraband of war; arguing that such cru- 
elty rebounded on their own soldiers, many of whom, as 
prisoners in the hands of the Confederates, shared the suf- 
fering resulting from such a policy, while the act itself was 
worthy the dark ages of the world's history. It is lament- 
able to have to record that this learned and powerful asso- 
ciation of the medical men then limited to the North, for- 
getful of the noble and unselfish teachings of the healing 
art, in their senseless passion hissed their benevolent brother 
from the hall. 

"The Northern government also resisted all efforts to 
effect a satisfactory agreement regarding the exchange of 
prisoners; only closing its eyes and pretending not to be 
aware of the inform;! 1 agreements of opposing generals in 
the field as to the exchange of prisoners in their hands, re- 
spectively, till July 22. 1862, when a general cartel 'was 
agreed upon by the two governments, but which was never 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 23 

carried out satisfactorily, and, in 1864, was practically sus- 
pended altogether ; so that even the great prisons became in- 
adequate for the increased demands upon them. Had there 
been satisfactory agreement and good faith in carrying out 
the cartels, Andersonville would not have been established, 
and there would have been avoided that distressing calam- 
ity ; and the effort which grew out of it to blacken the char- 
acter of President Davis, and the persecution of Major 
Henry Wirz, and his cruel execution by hanging. Justice 
has never been done that noble heroism which resisted and 
spurned the base and formidable bribe of life and liberty, 
and held fast to the truth. The Southern people should ever 
hold his memory dear." 

There were not enough vessels in which the food could be 
properly prepared and served, and the Confederate authorities 
were powerless, for they could not obtain these vessels to supply 
the need. 
General Butler says on pp. 593, 594 of his book : 

If the Confederates should be released and should join 

Lee they would probably bring failure to General Grant's 

operations. If on the other hand, they were released and 

should join Sherman they would turn the scales against 

him." 

In other words it was safer to allow the soldiers to remain 

in Confederate pens, no matter how great their suffering, than 

to liberate those Confederates. 

George Shea in a letter to the New York Tribune. January 24, 
1876, said: 

' ' Mr. Horace Greeley received a letter from Mrs. Jefferson 
Davis June 22, 1865, imploring him to bring about a speedy 
trial of her husband upon the charge of assassination of 
President Lincoln, and the supposed cruelties at Anderson- 
ville Prison." 

A public trial was prayed in order that the accusations might 
be publicly met, and her husband speedily vindicated. 

Charles A. Dana, Assistant Secretary of War, said in the New 

York Sun: 

Mr. Greeley came to my residence and placed the letter in 
my hands, saying he personally did not believe the charge 
of complicity in the assassination of Lincoln to be true, and 
that Mr. Davis could be released. 



24 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

"We called Mr. Greeley's attention to the charge against 
Mr. Davis of cruel treatment of Union soldiers at Anderson- 
ville. 

"There was a general opinion among the gentlemen of the 
Republican party that Mr. Davis did not by thought or act 
participate in a conspiracy against Mr. Lincoln, and none 
were more emphatic than Mr. Thaddeus Stevens. 

"The only remaining charge, then, was the cruel treat- 
ment of the Andersonville prisoners, so at the suggestion of 
Mr. Greeley, Mr. Wilson and Mr. Stevens, I went to 
Canada to examine the official archives of the Confederate 
States. From these documents, not meant for public eyes, 
but used in secret session, it was evident that Mr. Davis 
was not guilty of that charge. I reported this at once to 
Mr. Greeley. 

On November 9, 1866, this notice, evidently written by 
him, appeared in The Tribune: 

"'Eighteen months have nearly elapsed since Jefferson 
Davis was made a State prisoner. He has been publicly 
charged with conspiracy to assassinate President Lincoln 
and $100,000 offered for his capture upon this charge. The 
capture was made, and the money paid, yet no attempt has 
been made by the government to procure an indictment on 
this charge. He has been charged with the virtual murder 

of Union soldiers while prisoners of war at Andersonville 

but no official attempt has been made to indict him on this 
charge. 

"'A great government may deal sternly with offenders, 
but not meanly: it cannot afford to seem unwilling to re- 
pair an obvious wrong." ' 
Chas A. Dana, New York Sun: 

"It was not Jefferson Davis or any subordinate or asso- 
ciate of his who should now be condemned for the horrors 
of Andersonville. We were responsible ourselves for the 
continued detention of our captives in misery, starvation and 
sickness in the South." 

Mr. Dana again says : 

"Of the charge of cruelty to our prisoners so often 
brought against Mr. Davis, and reiterated by Mr. Blaine in 
his speech in the United States Senate, we think Mr. Davis 
must be held altogether acquitted." 

Dr. Kerr, in an address in New Orleans, said: 

"Thirteen of the acts of cruelty which convicted Captain 
Wirz were committed when he was sick in bed and some one 
else was in charge of the prisoners." 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 25 

Dr. E. A. Flewellen, who was sent by the Federal authorities 
to inspect the Andersonville prison told Dr. Kerr, the Con- 
federate surgeon in charge, that he was 

"Most pleasantly impressed with Captain Wirz as an of- 
ficer, and so reported to the Federal authorities, but as I 
heard nothing from this report supposed it suffered the fate 
of other papers belonging to the office of the surgeon gen- 
eral. ' ' 

He further said: 

"I was present at Wirz's trial and can affirm every state- 
ment you made in your address at New Orleans as to the 
unfairness of the proceedings, and shall never cease to have 
a contempt for the president and judge advocate of that 
court martial for their efforts to intimidate the witnesses 
and pervert the truth, and for the disrespect shown to 
Wirz s only attorney, Louis Schade." 

Dr. Kerr says that Wirz was called hard-hearted and cruel, 
but he has seen the tears streaming down his face when in the 
hospitals watching the sufferings of those men. Not a man ever 
died that he did not see that his grave was distinctly marked so 
that his mother could come and claim that body. 

If the soldiers hated Wirz, as was said in the trial, why did 
they not kill him, for they had ample opportunity, as he never 
went armed. He did not even carry a pocket knife. He once 
laughingly said to Dr. Kerr that he had an old rusty pistol, but 
it would not shoot. 

Six paroled prisoners drew up some resolutions when they 
returned from Washington, exonerating the Confederate author- 
ities of all blame connected with the horrors of Andersonville 
prison life, and testifying to the fact that the insults received 
at Secretary Stanton's hands were far harder to bear than any- 
thing they ever had suffered at Andersonville. See Page's 
"True History of Andersonville"). 

James Madison Page, a prisoner at Andersonville, wrote a 
book exonerating Captain Wirz and the Confederate authori- 
ties. Some of the prisoners sent a letter with a watch which 
they presented to Captain Wirz as a token of their appreciation 
of his kind treatment of them. Mrs. Perrin, Wirz's daughter, 
has many testimonials of this kind. 

There was never any trouble about lack of provisions at An- 



26 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

dersonville, as has been so often stated. There was an abund- 
ant supply of the rations that the soldiers and prisoners needed, 
but the trouble came because of the over-crowded condition of 
the stockade. 

There were many bad men among the prisoners called ' ' bounty 
jumpers," and they were killed by their own men, yet Captain 
Wirz was accused of their murder. Dr. Kerr said when Captain 
Wirz paroled those six prisoners to send them North to plead 
for an exchange, he turned to him and said, "I wish I could 
parole the last one of them." At the surrender he went to 
Macon, relying on the honor of General "Wilson's parole. Im- 
agine his surprise when he was arrested. He was taken to trial, 
condemned upon suborned testimony and hanged November 6, 
1865. That was the foulest blot in American history, and Mrs. 
Surratt's death for complicity with John Wilkes Booth may be 
placed beside it. 

If any one questions the truth of these facts, they can be 
found verified in the volumes called the "War of the Rebellion/' 
in the Congressional Library in Washington, D. C, put there by 
the United States authorities.— Series 2, Vols. IV., V., and VIII., 
and Series 3, Vol. V., and Page's "True Story of Andersonville 
Prison." 

Herman A. Braum, of Milwaukee, Wis., who was also a prisoner 
at Andersonville, after paying a tribute to Captain Wirz and 
exonerating the Confederate authorities, says : 

"I believe that there is nothing so well calculated to 
strengthen the faith in popular government as the example 
given by the Confederacy during the war, its justice, hu- 
manity and power. On this rests the historic fame of Jef- 
ferson Davis. 

"In vain did the Confederate government urge an ex- 
change of prisoners. Union generals and Union civilians 
agreed that it would never do to let these Rebs go back to 
the firing line." 
General Ben F. Butler says (see "Butler's Book," pp. 592- 
3-4), that General U. S. Grant and he held a conference at 
Fortress Monroe, April, 1864, on this very matter. 

Major Robert Ould, Confederate States Commissioner of Ex- 
change, was then at the mouth of James River on the C. S. 
Steamer, Roanoke, for the purpose of arranging for the delivery 
and exchange of prisoners. 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 27 

At the conference between Generals Grant and Butler it was 
finally decided that they would agree to accept such Union cap- 
tives as the Confederates might see fit to surrender, hut that no 
Confederate prisoners would he delivered in return! 
General Butler was a man who, in many respects, was bru- 
tally frank and fearless, and he put on record the reason why 
General Grant and himself refused the offer to exchange : 

' ' Many a tribute has been paid to the soldier of the South 
by those for whom he fought, by those of the same blood 
and faith, by those who gloried in his splendid courage and 
pitied his terrible sufferings; but the highest compliment 
that ever was paid to the tattered and half-starved wearer 
of the gray was that of the Commander-in-chief of the 
Union armies who, in a council of war, took the ground that 
the Confederate prisoner was too dangerous to he ex- 
changed." 



VIII. 

The Republican Party That Elected Abraham Lincoln Was 

Not Friendly to the South 

AUTHORITY : 
Wendell Phillips: 

"The Republican party is in no sense a National party; 
it is a party pledged to work for the downfall of Democracy, 
the downfall of the Union, and the destruction of the United 
States Constitution. The religious creed of the party was 
hate of Democracy, hate of the Union, hate of the Consti- 
tution, and hate of the Southern people." 

Again, he says: 

"The Republican party is the first sectional party ever 
organized in this country. It does not know its own face 
and calls itself National, but it is not National, it is sec- 
tional. It is the party of the North pledged against the 
South. It was organized with hatred of the Constitution. 

"The Republican party that elected Abraham Lincoln is 
pledged to the downfall* of the Union and the destruction 
of the United States Constitution. 

"William Lloyd Garrison believed in the Constitutional 
right to hold slaves, and said the Union must be dissolved 
to free them. 

"He believed in the Constitutional right of secession, so 
was willing to publicly burn the Constitution to destroy 



28 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

that right and called it 'a compact with death and a league 
with hell.' " 

Charles Beecher Stowe said : 

"The party that elected Abraham Lincoln was a party 
avowedly hostile to the institution of slavery." 
Had they not heard him say in his address at Cooper Insti- 
tute that : 

"The anti-slavery sentiment had already caused more 
than a million votes which could only be seen by Southern 
States to mean a danger and menace. Consequently when 
they drew the sword to defend the doctrine of States rights 
and the institution of slavery, they certainly had on their 
side the Constitution and the laws of the land, for the Na- 
tional Constitution justified the doctrine of State rights." 

R. G. Horton, in his "A Youth's History of the Civil War," 
(Pubs., Van Evrie & Horton Co., N. Y., 1867, p. IV), says: 

"Mr. Lincoln assumed the dictatorship, overthrew the 
government as it was formed by issuing a military edict or 
decree which changed the fundamental law of the land, and 
declared that he would maintain this by all the military and 
naval power of the United States." 

George Lunt says, on page 369 : 

"Mr. Lincoln, finding a geographical party in the pro- 
cess of formation, allowed himself to be placed at its head, 
and encouraged its action by that sectional declaration, 'I 
believe this government cannot permanently endure half 
slave and half free.' That expression gave hope to the 
abolitionists, and defeated Stephen Douglas." 

Benjamin F. Wade, a Senator from Ohio in 1860, and he did 
not love the South, said : 

"I do not blame the people of the South for seceding for 
the men of that party about to take the reins of government 
in their hands are her mortal foes, and stand ready to 
trample her institutions under feet." 

Judge William Duer, of Oswego, New York, August 6, 1860, 
said: 

"The Republican party is a conspiracy under the form, 
but in violation of the spirit of the Constitution of the 
United States to exclude the citizens of slaveholding States 
from all sharing in the government of the country, and to 
compel them to adapt their institutions to the opinions of 
the citizens of the free States." 



THE THUTHS OP HISTORY 29 

George Lunt says, again, on p. 359 : 

"The nomination of Mr. Lincoln was purely accidental, 
and that he was a sectional candidate upon merely sectional 
grounds none can deny and for the first time in the history 
of the republic, a candidate was thus presented for the 
suffrages of its citizens. ' ' 

Mr. Raymond, in the New York Times, says: 

"His election was more by shouts and applause which 
dominated the convention than from any direct labors of 
any of the delegates." — Boston Courier, May 26, 1860. 

George Lunt : 

Judge Jessup's amendment openly professed the party 
to be sectional." 

Stephen Douglas, in his letter to Mr. Hayes, December 27, 
1860, said : 

"Many Republicans desire a dissolution of the Union and 
urge war as a means of accomplishing dissolution." 
Again Mr. Douglas, February 2, 1861, said : 

"The leaders of the Republican party are striving to 
break up the Union under pretense of unbounded devotion 
to it. Hostility to slavery on the part of the disunionists 
is stronger than fidelity to the Constitution." 

Horton again says : 

"I shall stress that this war was not waged by the North 
to preserve the Union, or to maintain Republican institu- 
tions, but to destroy both. 

"It will be seen that the war changed the entire character 
and system of our government, overthrew the rights of 
States, and forced amendments against the action of the 
people." 

R. G. Horton, again, said, p. 51 of his "Youth's History of the 
Civil War": 

"At the very time the abolitionists were preaching a mad 
crusade against the Union, and educating a generation to 
hate the government of our fathers, Southern men, the great 
leaders of the South, were begging and imploring that the 
Union might be preserved." 

The Cincinnati Enquirer, January 15, 1881, said : 

"Republican hate has blasted the fair heritage of our 
fathers. The prediction made two years before Daniel 



30 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

Webster's death has literally come true. He said: 'If these 
fanatics (abolitionists) ever get the power in their own 
hands they will override the Constitution, set the Supreme 
Court at defiance, change and make laws to suit themselves, 
lay violent hands on them who differ in opinion, or who 
dare question their fidelity, and finally deluge the country 
with blood." 

IX. 

The South Desired Peace and Made Every Effort to Obtain It 

AUTHORITY : 

The Mississippi Convention sent a commissioner to Maryland 
and when asked what was the intention of the Southern States 
by secession, (Shaffner's "Secession War," London., 1862), 
he replied: 

"Secession is not intended to break up the present gov- 
ernment, but to perpetuate it. Our plan is to withdraw from 
the Union in order to allow amendments to the Constitu- 
tion to be made, guaranteeing our just rights. If the North- 
ern States will not make these amendments — then we must 
secure them ourselves by a government of our own." 

Lord Charn wood's "Life of Lincoln": 

"This madness appeared when the Congress met in De- 
cember, 1860. In order to allay the apprehensions of the 
Southern people regarding the purposes of the party just 
ready to come into power, the Southern members offered 
resolution after resolution looking to tranquility. These 
resolutions were all rejected by the House of Representa- 
tives. 

"Then was offered in the Senate the celebrated 'Critten- 
den Compromise,' yielding all that the North demanded in 
regard to exclusion of slavery from the Territories, but in- 
sisting that the Constitution be respected as to fugitive 
slaves, and that the Constitution be maintained and its pro- 
vision be kept as adjudicated by the Supreme Court of the 
land. The South made no new request ; it went not outside 
of the Constitution. It rested its case on the Constitution 
and on its interpretation by the highest court of the land. 
It was strictly loyal to the Constitution. 

Why was the Crittenden Compromise rejected? Be- 
cause Mr. Lincoln willed it. He wrote letters to his party 
leaders to defeat it. He said 'he had no compromises to 
make with the South.' The idea was that he had triumphed 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 31 

and that triumph meant no surrender in any respect of the 

new policies. 

"It was a tragic day when the Crittenden Compromise 

was defeated. Not a single Republican voted for it. 
The Crittenden Resolutions were a most generous proposition 
from the South to allow out of the 1,200,000 square miles of 
territory acquired by conquest and purchase, 900,000 square 
miles for free territory and the remaining 300,000 square miles 
to be free or slave as each new State formed might choose, and 
this, too, when Southern prowess had largely gained the terri- 
tory. These resolutions in the interest of peace were offered by 
Northern and Southern Democrats. Lincoln notified all Re- 
publican States through Senators Harlan and Zach Chandler 
to vote against these resolutions. Had he not done this they 
would have passed. Unjust as they were to the South, the 
South would have accepted them, and Thurlow Weed and Seward 
would have seen that they were passed by the North. It was 
Lincoln's fault they were rejected. George Lunt said Lincoln 
later acknowledged that he regretted this. 

Again Lord Charnwood said: 

"Senator Chandler, of Michigan, had telegraphed to the 
Governor of Michigan to send delegates to the Peace Con- 
gress, 'but to send stiff-necked men or none — for without a 
little blood letting the Union will not be worth saving.' " 

George Lunt, p. 423, says: 

"The propositions of the Peace Conference evidently 
formed a sound basis for settlement of the controversy. 
These resolutions were introduced by Mr. Crittenden, of 
Kentucky, and had they been adopted, they would have 
saved the country from its coming trials. On the commit- 
tee of thirteen reporting these resolutions were Jefferson 
Davis, of Mississippi ; Mr. Hunter, of Virginia ; Robert 
Toombs, of Georgia,; five from slave States — eight from 
free States. General Toombs reported to his constituents 
in Georgia that the Black Republican solidly voted against 
the resolutions. Mr. Douglas, in the Senate, said: 'Every 
member from the South including Messrs. Davis and 
Toombs, from the Cotton States, expressed a willingness to 
accept the resolutions as a final settlement of the contro- 
versy. Hence the responsibility of our disagreement, and 
the only difficulty in the way of an amicable adjustment is 
with the Republican party " (Sco Congressional Globe, 
Appendix 1800-61, p. 41). 



32 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

"Mr. Toombs, in the Senate, said there were some condi- 
tions he would prefer, but for the sake of peace — perma- 
nent peace — he would accept them." 

Mr. Pugh, of Ohio, said he had heard the senator from 
Mississippi (afterwards President Davis) before leaving 
the Senate Chamber say he would accept it to maintain 
the Union. There is no doubt but that a two-thirds vote 
would have saved the Union." 

When it came to a final vote every Republican voted against 
them except Mr. Seward who refused to vote at all. The resolu- 
tions were lost by a vote of 20 to 19. How could peace have 
been brought about? 

Mr. Dixon, of Connecticut, in 1860, had the true idea. He said : 

"The true way to restore harmony is by cheerfully and 

honestly assuring every section its Constitutional rights. 

No section professes to ask more ; no section ought to offer 

less." 

Mr. Brown, a personal friend and colleague of Jefferson Davis, 
of Mississippi, replied : 

"If that same spirit could prevail which actuates the 
senator from Connecticut, who has just taken his seat, a 
different state of things might be produced in twenty days." 

The Rejection of the Crittenden Resolutions created a crisis : 

"The Southern leaders then called a conference. What 
was to be done? All their proposals of compromise, look- 
ing to peace, tranquility, security within the Union, had 
failed. They asked each other: 'What is the purpose of 
this anti-South party? What means the rejection of our 
compromises? Why did Mr. Lincoln discountenance any 
compromise? What means this secession from the Consti- 
tution ? This refusal to abide by the decisions of the United 
States Supreme Court? What means Mr. Lincoln's atti- 
tude in opposing the Crittenden Compromise?' 

"Despairing of their rights within the Union, the South- 
ern leaders advised the Southern States to throw themselves 
back on their reserved rights and withdraw from the Union. 
But it was too late. It could have been done in 1S50. but 
not in 1861. From 1850 to 1860 the North had educated 
the people of the North out of the Jefferson theory of State 
rights. ' ' — George Lunt. 

Second Peace Congress, Ex-President John Tyler, President, 
Washington, D. C. : 

"Virginia did not act at the time with the Southern 



THE TRUTHS 0;F HISTORY 33 

States that organized the Confederacy, but called a 'Peace 
Conference.' Twenty-one States responded to the call. 
The venerable John Tyler, ex-President of the United 
States, was chosen president. They met in "Washington 
on February 4, 1861. But Salmon P. Chase, to be the Sec- 
retary of the Treasury under the new administration, was 
there as the representative of Mr. Lincoln and the new vic- 
torious party. His speech destroyed all hope of any recon- 
ciliation. He refused all compromises, and said Northern 
States would never fulfill that part of the Constitution in 
regard to fugitive slaves, and that the decision of the Su- 
preme Court would not be abided. The failure of this con- 
ference was a great disappointment, especially to Virginia. 
Mr. Lincoln took the same stand as he did regarding the 
Crittenden Compromise." — Lord Charnwood's "Life of 
Lincoln." 

Judge Salmon P. Chase in Peace Congress : 

' ' I must tell you further that under no inducements what- 
ever will we consent to surrender a principle which we be- 
lieve to be sound, and so important as that of restricting 
slavery within State limits." 

And again he said: 

"The people of the free States who believe that slavery 
is wrong cannot and will not aid in returning runaway 
slaves and the law becomes a dead letter." 

Now, this was in defiance of the decision of the Supreme 
Court in the Dred Scott ease. 

Secretary Chase announced that : 

"The Republican party would concede nothing in regard 
to slave extension in the Territories, and the Northern 
States would never fulfill their Constitutional obligations." 
(There was nothing to do but to adjourn). 

The third attempt was when the Peace Commissioners were sent 
from the Confederate government with this message: 

"The undersigned are instructed to make to the Govern- 
ment of the United States overtures for the opening of ne- 
gotiations, assuring the Government of the United States 
that the President, Congress, and people of the Confeder- 
ate States earnestly desire a peaceful solution of these great 
questions; that it is neither their interest nor their wish to 
imike any demand which is not founded in strictest justice, 
nor do any act to injure their late Confederates." 



34 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

A peaceful spirit would have kept peace — who was responsi- 
ble for the answer ? 
Hampton Roads Conference the last: 

"At Hampton Roads, Lincoln refused to accept any pro- 
posals except unconditional surrender. He promised 
clemency but refused to define it, except to say that he in- 
dividually favored compensation for slave owners, and that 
he would execute the confiscation and other penal acts with 
the utmost liberality. He made it plain throughout that he 
was fighting for an idea, and that it was useless to talk of 
compromise until that idea was triumphant. We are aware, 
of course, of that long-exploded myth telling how he offered 
Stephens a sheet of paper with 'Union' written on it, and 
told the Confederate statesman to fill up the rest of the 
paper to suit himself. 'He offered us nothing but uncon- 
ditional submission,' says Stephens on his return, and he 
called the conference, therefore, fruitless and inadequate. " 
— New York Times. 

Abraham Lincoln testifies the same. See Lincoln's Message to 
House, Feb. 10, 1865; "War of the Rebellion/' Series 1, Vol. 
XL VI, p. 505; Lincoln's Instruct ions to Seward, Jan. 31, 1865; 
"Life of Lincoln," Nicolay & Hay, Vol X.; Seward's Letter to 
Charles Francis Adams; "War of Rebellion," Series III, Vol. 
IV., pp. 1163-1164. 



The Policy of the Northern Army Was to Destroy Property — 
That of the Southern Army to Protect It 

AUTHORITY: 

Sheridan 's Official Report : 

"I have burned two thousand barns filled with wheat 
and corn, all the mills in the whole country, destroyed all 
the factories of cloth, killed or driven off every animal, 
even the poultry that could contribute to human sustenance. 

"Nothing should be left in the Shenandoah but eyes to 
lament the war." 

Sherman's Memoirs: 

"It will not be necessarv to sow salt on the site of Charles- 
ton after the Fifteenth Corps has done its work." 

"One hundred million dollars of damage has been done 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 35 

to Georgia ; $20,000,000 inured to our benefit, the remainder 
simply waste and destruction." 

' ' On General Howell Cobb 's plantation I told my men to 
spare nothing." 

"I'll not restrain the army lest its vigor and energy be 
impaired." (p. 185). 

"In South Carolina I kindled my fire with an old mantel 
clock, and a piece of a handsome old bedstead." (p. 225). 

"Orders to kill Jeff Davis and his Cabinet on the spot" 
were found on the person of Dahlgren in Richmond, Va. 

Lord Palmerson in the British House of Commons took oc- 
casion to express deepest indignation at General Butler's in- 
famous order No. 28 against the ladies of New Orleans. 
General Grant to Hunter in the Shenandoah Valley, Vir- 
ginia : 

"Nothing shall be left to invite the enemy to return." 

' "City Point, July 14, 1864. 
" 'Major-General Halleck, Washington, D. C. 

" 'If the enemy has left Maryland, as I suppose he has, 
he should have upon his heels veterans, militiamen, men on 
horseback, and everything that can be got to follow to eat 
out Virginia clear and clean as they go, so that the crows 
flying over it will have to carry their provender with them. 
"(Signed) U. S. GRANT, 

" 'Lieutenant-General.' " 
" 'City Point, August 26, 1864. 
" 'Major-General Sheridan, Halltown, Va. : 

" 'Do all the damage to railroads and crops you can. 
Carry off stock of all descriptions and negroes, so as to pre- 
vent further planting. We want the Shenandoah Valley 
to remain a barren waste. 

'"(Signed) U. S. GRANT, 

" 'Lieutenant-General.' " 

" 'Headquarters Middle Military Division, 

" 'Harrisburg, Sept, 28, 1864, 10:30 p. m. 

" 'Brig.-Gen. W. Merritt, Commanding First Cavalry Di- 
vision : 
' ' ' General : The general commanding directed that you 
leave a small force to watch Swift Run and Brown Gap and 
with balance of your command and Custer's Division to 
swing around through or near Piedmont, extending toward 
and as near Staunton as possible. Destroy all mills, all 
grain, and all forage you can and drive off or kill all stock 
and otherwise carry out instructions of Lieutenant-General 



36 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

Grant, an extract of which is sent you and which means 
'leave a barren waste.' 

" '(Signed) JAMES W. FORSYTH, 

" 'Lieut.-Col. and Chief of Staff to General Sheridan.' " 
: ' 'Headquarters of the Army, Washington, D. C, 

" 'December 18, 1864. 
" 'Major-General Sherman, Savannah: 

1 'Should you capture Charleston, I hope that by some 
accident the place may be destroyed; and if a little salt 
should be sown upon the site, it may prevent the growth of 
future crops of nullification and secession. 

" '(Signed) W. H. HALLECK, 

" 'Chief of Staff' " 

' ' ' Field Headquarters of the Military Division of 

the Mississippi, Savannah, December 24. 1861. 
" 'Major-General W. H. Halleck, Chief of Staff, Wash- 
ington, D. C. : 
' 'I will bear in mind your hint as to Charleston, and I 
do not think 'salt' will be necessary. When I move, the 
Fifteenth Corps will be on the right of the right wing, and 
their postiion will bring them into Charleston first; and if 
you have watched the history of this corps, you will have 
remarked that it generally does its work pretty well. 

'The truth is, the whole army is burning with an insa- 
tiable desire to wreak vengeance upon South Carolina. I 
almost tremble at her fate, but feel that she deserves all 
that seems in store for her. We must make old and young, 
rich and poor, feel the hard hand of war as well as their 
organized armies. 

" '(Signed) W. T. SHERMAN, 

" 'Major-General.' " 

"The Story of a Great March," Brevet Major George W. Nich- 
ols, Aide-de-Camp to General Sherman: 

"History will in vain be searched for a parallel to the 
scathing and destructive effect of the invasion of the Caro- 
linas. Aside from the destruction of military things, there 
wore destructions overwhelming, overleaping the present 
generation — even if peace speedily come, agriculture, com- 
merce, cannot be revived in our day. Day by day our le- 
gions of armed men surged over the land, over a region of 
forty miles wide, burning everything we could not take 
away. On every side the head, center and rear of our col- 
umns might be traced by columns of smoke by day and the 
glare of flames by night. The burning hand of war pressed 
on these people, blasting, withering." 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 37 

Major Nichols, "The Story of a Great March, November 15, 
1864 (p. 38), Atlanta, Ga. : 

"A grand and awful spectacle is presented to the be- 
holders of this beautiful city now in flames. The Heaven 
is one expanse of lurid fire. The air is filled with flying, 
burning cinders. Buildings covering 200 acres are in ruins 
or flames." 

"We are leaving Atlanta. Behind we leave a track of 
smoke and flame. Yesterday we saw in the distance a pillar 
of smoke ; the bridges were all in flames. I heard a soldier 
say, 'I believe Sherman has set the very river on fire.' His 
comrades replied, ' If he has its all right, ' The rebel inhab- 
itants are in an agony. The soldiers are as hearty and jolly 
as men can be." (p. 37). 

"The soldiers are hunting for concealed things and these 
searches are one of the pleasant excitements of our march." 
(p. 39). 

Sherman's Memoirs, Vol. II, p. 287: 

"In my official report of the conflagration of Columbia 
I distinctly charged it to General Wade Hampton, and now 
I confess I did it pointedly to shake the faith of his people 
in him." 

Gregg's History, p. 375 : 

"The devastation of the Palatine hardly exceeded the 
desolation and misery wrought by the Republican invasion 
and conquest of the South. No conquered nation of modern 
days, not Poland under the heel of Nicholas, nor Spain or 
Russia under that of Napoleon, suffered from such individ- 
ual and collective ruin or saw before so frightful a pros- 
pect as the States dragged by force in April, 1865." 

CONTRAST : 
President Davis: 

"In regard to the enemy's crews and vessels you are to 
proceed with the justice and humanity which characterize 
our government and its citizens." 

"General Lee, for fear his soldiers should pillage while 
foraging in Pennsylvania, had the roll call three times 
daily." 
It is true General Early did burn Chambersburg, Pa., but it 
was only after a refusal by the people to pay the $100,000 de- 
manded for General Hunter's destruction in the Shenandoah 
Valley. 



38 EHE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

When at York, Pa., he was urged to burn that place in retalia- 
tion. He said : 

"We do not make war on women and children." 

General John B. Gordon to the women in York, Pa. : 

"If the torch is applied to a single dwelling or an insult 
offered to a woman by a soldier in my command, point me 
the man and you shall have his life." 

Charles Francis Adams testified: 

"I doubt if a hostile foe ever advanced in an enemy's 
country or fell back from it in retreat leaving behind it 
less cause for hate and bitterness than did the Army of 
Northern Virginia." 

R. E. Lee, Commanding General, Chambersburg, Penn., June 
21, 1863: 

"The commanding general considers that no greater dis- 
grace could befall the army, and through it our whole peo- 
ple, than the perpetuation of the barbarous outrages upon 
the unarmed and defenseless and the w r anton destruction 
of private property that have marked the course of the 
enemy in our own country. 

' ' Such proceedings not only degrade the perpetrators and 
all conected with them, but are subversive of the discipline 
and efficiency of the army and destructive of the ends of 
our present movement. It must be remembered that we 
make war only upon armed men, and that we cannot take 
vengeance for the wrongs our people have suffered without 
lowering ourselves in the eyes of all whose abhorrence has 
been excited by the atrocities of our enemies and offending 
against Him to whom vengeance belongeth, without whose 
favor and support our efforts all prove in vain. The com- 
manding general, therefore, earnestly exhorts the troops to 
abstain, with most scrupulous care, from unnecessary or 
wanton injury to private property, and he enjoins upon all 
officers to arrest and bring to summary punishment all who 
shall in any way offend against the orders on this subject." 

President Davis said to his soldiers : 

"The rules taught at West Point were: 'Private prop- 
erty can be seized only by way of military necessity for the 
support or benefit of the army of the United States. All 
wanton violence, pillage or sacking, maiming or killing is 
prohibited under penalty of death or punishment adequate 
for the gravity of the offense.' " 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 39 

William M. Macy, Secretary of War, July 28, 1856 : 

"The wanton pillage or uncompensated appropriation of 
individual property 'by an army, even in possession of an 
enemy's country is against the usage of modern times." 



XI. 
The South Has Never Had Her Rightful Place In Literature 

AUTHORITY : 
Harriet Martineau said: 

' ' For more than fifty years after the Revolution the best 

specimen of periodical literature that this country afforded 

was 'Tke Southern Review/ published at Charleston, S. C, 

by Bledsoe." 

Hamilton W. Mabie placed Poe, Timrod and Lanier as equal 

in poetic quality with Bryant, Whittier and Longfellow. He 

said: 

"In the widening literary activity the South has borne 
a very notable part— indeed, it may be said that it has 
borne the chief part." 
Pancoast, of Philadelphia, says : 

"The Southern story writers have done more than given 
us studies of new localities. We feel instinctively a differ- 
ent quality in their work. Contrasted with the New Eng- 
land writers we feel the richer coloring, the warmer blood, 
and the quicker pulses. When you read Hawthorne and 
then turn to ' Marse Chan' and 'MeK Lady' by Thomas Nel- 
son Page, it is like passing from the world of thought to the 
world of action— from the analysis of life to true living. 
It is a world where the men are full of knightly deeds. 

Hamilton Mabie said: 

"The genius of the Old South went into the management 
of public affairs and gave the country a group of statesmen 
that will not suffer by comparison with the foremost public 
men of any country." 
Then again : 

"The South of today has no explanations to make; her 
quota of writers of original gift and genuine art is perhaps 
more important than that furnished by any other section of 
our country. These writers exhibit certain qualities of the 
Southern temperament from which much may be expected 



40 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

W »£?S! °V he futU f e -- Their Work comes ^m the 
neart rather than from analytical faculties. It is made of 

flesh and blood, and it is therefore simple tender hlr 

ous and altogether human, and those 0^111 es^easlr-" 

ance that it has long life before it."— The Outlook 

What does John Fiske, a great historian of this century say? 

While unjust to the South in many things he realizes the part 

the South has played in the making of the Nation: 

"Jefferson, Washington, Madison, Marshall and Alexan- 
der Hamilton are distinguished above all others and in an 
rSarUnioir ^"^ t0 ^ Cdled the bunders' of\S 
rv!3 he D ^ cla 1 rat i on of Independence ranks with the Maena 
2s2e pap*! BlU ° f R ^ htS » ™ ° f the *™ safest 
"John Marshal], Chief Justice for thirty years settled 
the relations of the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial 
branches of the government. Cal 

"James Madison, as a constructive thinker, did more than 
^ r^^atToL .^^ " Create the C — ^^n, but to sV^re 
What section of the country ever produced greater orators 
than Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, John Forsyth, Benjamin 
H Hill Robert Toombs, Howell Cobb, Alexander Stephens 
Robert Y. Hayne, William H. Yancey and a host of others? 

The greatest American dramatist was Augustin Daly, North 
Carolina. 

In "The Outlook" in 1899 appeared this article from the pen 
of Hamilton Mabie: 
, ''^ he South n , ever lacked institutions to keep alive the 
best traditions of scholarship-never lacked culture to keep 
TJ°T M th th ! \ eSt ° f th0Ught and art in the Old World 
5 J \l •'• x^ l0Ve ° f letters was reall y keener in the 

erm n f a h m M NeW i England ' and there was a mu <* larger 
gi oup of highly educated men in the South than in New 

England—but ethics and religion made literature of sec- 
ondary importance. 

rJJnl ge H US °i - he , 0M Sonth Went int0 the manage- 
ment of public affairs, but it gave the country a group of 

statesmen who would add dignity to the most illustrious 
periods of statesmenship— such men as Washington Jeffer- 
son, Madison, and Marshall-they will not suffer bv com- 
parison with the foremost public men of the country." 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 41 

Pancoast, of Philadelphia, says: 

"Put the work of Cable by the side of Howell's and it is 
like the tropic warmth of the Gulf Stream after the chill 
of Northern waters. 

"The themes of the Southern writers are fresh, new, 
inspiring and striking — they write about the things with 
which they are familiar." 
Victor Hugo called Edgar Allan Poe "The Prince of Amer- 
ican Literature.' 7 

The London Quarterly Review said, "He had an ear for 
rhythm unmatched in all the ages." And Richardson says: 
"He is one of the world's men of genius." 
Coleridge said : 

"Washington Allston of South Carolina was the first 
genius of the Western World." 

Tenny.-on said : 

"Bryant, Whittier and other New England writers are 
pigmies compared with Poe. He is the literary glory of 
America." 
Paul Hamilton Hayne has been called the "Woodland Min- 
strel of America." His "Daphels" has been pronounced by 
Lewisohn as "the finest narrative poem ever written," and Ten- 
nyson called him "the finest sonnet writer in America." 

Hamilton Mabie, in "The Outlook," said: 

"Timrod's "Cotton Boll" and Lanier's "Sunrise" have 
been called 'the most original achievements of American 
poetry.' " 

Longfellow said : 

"The time will surely come when Timrod's poems will be 
in every home of culture." 

Yet after this high praise, Brander Matthews in his American 
Literature, gives Lanier and Timrod three lines, does not men- 
tion Hayne or Father Ryan, but gives Harriet Beecher Stowe's 
Uncle Tom's Cabin an entire page. 

Abernathy, in his American Literature gives eleven pages to 
Daniel Webster and three lines to Clay and Calhoun. He gives 
Franklin more space than he gives to Washington, Jefferson, 
Madison, Monroe, Marshall, Patrick Henry, Henry Laurens, the 
Randolphs, the Pinekneys and other Southern statesmen com- 
bined. 



42 THE TRUTHS OF' HISTORY 

The New International Encyclopedia gives as much space to 
John Brown — a traitor and murderer — as is given to Robert 
Toombs, William H. Yancey, Alexander Stephens and other 
statesmen of the South combined. 

The Columbia Encyclopedia gives John Brown as much or 
more space than is given to Jefferson Davis, United States Sec- 
retary of War and President of the Confederate States. 

XII. 

The North Violated the Constitution, and Refused to Stand by 

the Decisions of the Supreme Court, and This 

Drove the South to Secession 

1. The Missouri Compromise, 1820. Slave territory restricted 

and no Constitutional authority for it. 

2. The Tariff Acts of 1828 and 1833. The Constitution says 

tariff must be uniform — one section must not be discrim- 
inated against in favor of another. 

3. Violation of the Fugitive Slave Law. Article IV., Sec. II., 

Clause 3. 

4. Coercion in 1861. Article IV., Sec. IV. 

5. Laws of Neutrality — Trent Affair. Article VI., Clause 2 — 

Violation of International Law. 

6. Writ of Habeas Corpus Suspended. Article I., Sec. IX., 

Clause 2. 

7. War Was Declared Without the Consent of Congress, 1861. 

Article I., Section VIII., Clauses 11, 12. 

8. Eynancipation Proclamation. Article IV., Section III., 

Clause 2. 

9. West Virginia Made a State. Article IV., Section III.. 

Clause 1. 

10. The Hanging of Mrs. Surratt. Amendments — Article V. 

11. The Execution of Henry Wirz. Amendments — Article VI. 

12. The XIV. and XV. Amendments. Article V. 

13. The Seizure Without Compensation of Property After Sur- 

render. ..Amendments — Articles IV. and VI. 

14. Squatter Sovereignty. It allowed a territorial government 

to exclude slavery. 

15. The Liberty of the Press Taken Away. Amendments— Ar- 

ticle I. 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 43 

16. The Freedom of Speech Denied. Vallandigham Impris- 

oned in Ohio. Amendments — Article I. 

17. Blockading Ports of States that Were Held by the Federal 

Government to Be still in the Union. 

MISSOURI COMPROMISE. 

Percy Gregg, the English historian, says : 

"Baffled, wearied and worn out, the South reluctantly 
submitted to the Missouri Compromise. This was no com- 
promise but the extortion by naked force at an enormous 
price for the allowance of a right iniquitiously and uncon- 
stitutionally tvithheld." 

George Lunt, of Boston, Massachusetts, in his "Origin of the 
Late War/' says: 

"Missouri was as fairly entitled to admission into the 
Union as a slave State, if its inhabitants so willed it, as 
Louisiana had come in as a slave State in 1812 or Iowa as 
a free State in 1846. It was, nevertheless, a struggle on the 
part of the North to impose political restrictions upon that 
enlargement of political power which it is feared the South 
might gain by increasing the number of States allied to 
it in interest and sympathy. It was the earliest open dem- 
onstration of organized jealousy." 

George Lunt gives some resolutions passed unanimously by 
the House of Representatives : 

"That neither the Federal government nor non-slave- 
holding States have a Constitutional right to legislate upon 
or interfere with slavery in any of the States in the Union." 
(P- 432). 

The South again felt that the Compromises of 1850 were un- 
just because the Missouri line was made when the North wished 
it and was done away with, when the North wished it, and that 
the North, to carry her point, was willing to destroy not only 
the Constitution but the very Union itself. 
Hear what Josiah Quincy, the standard bearer of the Repub- 
lican party (Political Textbook, p. 108; Letter to Mr. Car- 
ruthers, Feb. 28, 1856; George Lunt, p. 261), said: 

"Reinstate in full force that barrier against the exten- 
sion of slavery called the Missouri Compromise. Make 
Kansas a free State even if it dissolves the Union itself." 



44 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

Judge Story, of the Supreme Court, in speaking of the Fugitive 
Slave Law, (Peters Reports, Pregg vs. Pa., p. 611), said: 

"It cannot be doubted that it constituted a fundamental 
article, (the right to own slaves) without the adoption of 
which the Union could not have been formed." 

TARIFF ACTS. 

The South maintained that the Tariff Acts of 1828 and 1833 
were unconstitutional, since Congress had the power to levy 
taxes only for revenue and the taxes must be uniform. The 
act then passed was sectional, since by it the South, while she 
had only one-third of the votes, paid two-thirds of the custom 
duties, and as our government was a compact, the government 
could not be superior to the States — so Congress was over-step- 
ping its powers, and she contended that a tax on one part of the 
country could not be laid to protect the industries of another 
part. (Constitution — Section VIII., Clause 1). 

The South contended that the Tariff Acts of 1828, 1832, and 
1833 were violations of the Compact or Constitution for "taxa- 
tion was not uniform," and one section was discriminated against 
in favor of the other. The Cotton States particularly suffered 
by these traiff acts. 

What had the North to say to this? 

When Thomas Hart Benton, of Missouri, in referring to the 
Tariff Acts, said: 

"Under Federal legislation the exports of the South have 
been the basis of the Federal revenues — everything goes out 
and nothing is returned to them in the shape of government 
expenditures. The expenditures flow North. This is the 
reason why wealth disappears from the South and rises up 
in the North. No tariff has yet included Georgia, Virginia, 
or the two Carolinas, except to increase the burdens imposed 
upon them. The political economists of the North, Carey, 
Elliott, Kettel and others who have studied the source of 
National wealth in America, said, 'Mr. Benton is right in 
the explanation given of the sudden disappearance of wealth 
from the South.' " 

And when the abolitionists tried to contend that slavery was 
the cause of this not the tariff, Prof. Elliott, a teacher of Science 
at Harvard, denied that it was slavery that had impoverished 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 45 

the South, and said it was Federal legislation in regard to the 

Tariff Acts. 

Bledsoe's "War Between the States," (p. 225), said: 

"This legislation, so unjust to the South, left in the 

minds of the men of the South a deep and abiding sense of 

the injustice of Northern legislation." 

Then the editor of "Southern Wealth and Northern Profits," 
a Northern man, said : 

"It is gross injustice, if not hypocrisy, to be always 
growing rich on the profits of slave labor; and at the same 
time to be eternally taunting and insulting the South on 
aeconut of slavery. Though you bitterly denounce slavery 
as the 'sum of all villainies,' it is nevertheless the principal 
factor (by high tariff) of your Northern wealth, and you 
know it."' 

FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. 

The South claimed that their slaves were their property, 
bought from the Northern slave dealer with their money, and 
not only could be protected by the Constitution but, by a later 
guarantee which had been given by the Compromises of 1850, 
returned to them when they ran away. 

What does the North say? 
Chief Justice Story, of the United States Supreme Court, 

said : 

"The master has the right to seize the runaway slave in 
any State of the Union." 

Abraham Lincoln, in a speech at Peoria, 111., in 1854, said: 

"The slaveholder has a legal and moral right to his 
slaves. ' ' 
See also Amendment TV. of the United States Constitution. 

Judge Black, in his "Essays," p. 153, says: 

"That 'Higher Law' which gave the Federal govern- 
ment power to legislate against the Southern States in de- 
fiance of the Constitution would logically justify any execu- 
tive outrage that might be desired for party purposes on 
the life, liberty and property of individuals." 
The interference on the part of Northern politicians with the 
institution of slavery and the rights of the slaveholder to take 
his slaves where he pleased was illegal and unconstitutional. 



46 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

This claim was supported by Congress when Benjamin Frank- 
lin and the Quakers urged the freedom of the slaves. The de- 
cision was that Congress had no right to interfere with the in- 
stitution of slavery or the slaveholders. (See Congressional 
Records). 

It was again supported by the decision in the Dred Scott case 
— that a slave being carried into a free State did not give him 
his freedom — only the slaveholder himself had the right to free 
his slave. ((See Decision of Supreme Court — Taney). 

The House of Representatives had passed the following reso 
lutions : 

"That Congress has no authority to interfere in the 
emancipation of slaves or in the treatment of them within 
any of the States; it remaining with the several States 
alone to provide any regulations there which humanity 
and true policy may require." 
Lincoln violated the Constitution when he called for the 
militia to coerce the States. 

Virginia's reply was: 

"Virginians will never join you in your open and known 
violation of the Constitution nor unite with your forces in 
shedding the blood of Virginia's brethren for support of 
the Union. If Virginians must fight they prefer to espouse 
the cause of the Constitution, the backbone of the Union." 

EMANCIPATION. 

"Emancipation is not within the scope of the Constitu- 
tion, or in any degree at the disposition of the United States 
government, and can mean nothing else than revolution for 
which the abolitionists are striving. Revolution can only 
be justified by oppression and the power of oppression is 
not with the South." 

A Resolution was passed unanimously by Congress July 23, 
1861: 

"The war is waged by the government of the United 
States, not in the spirit of conquest or subjugation, nor for 
the purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights 
or institutions of the States, but to defend and maintain 
the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the 
Union with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several 
States unimpaired." 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 47 

McClure, an ardent admirer of Abraham Lincoln, says: 

' ' As the sworn executive of the Nation, it was his duty to 
obey the Constitution, in all its provisions, and he accepted 
that duty without reservations — yet in eighteen months he 
issued his Emancipation Proclamation." 

James Ford Rhodes, of Massachusetts, Vol. IV, p. 213, says: 

"There was, as every one knows, no authority for the 
proclamation in the letter of the Constitution, nor was there 
any statute that warranted it." 

The Supreme Court of the United States in its ruling said : 

"Any doctrine which leads to the suspension of any of 
the provisions of the Constitution during the exigencies of 
government leads directly to anarchy or despotism." 

Chief Justice Chase said: 

"Neither President, nor Congress, nor Courts possess any 
power not given by the Constitution." 

Abraham Lincoln said: 

"I have no Constitutional right to free your slaves and 
I have no desire to do so." 

Horton, in his "Youth's History of the Civil War," p. 51, says: 
"The great leaders of the South were begging and im- 
ploring that the Union should be preserved." 

FREEDOM OF SPEECH. 

As was the case of Vallandigham in Ohio men were thrown 
into prison for daring to say the South was right. 

James Ford Rhodes, (Vol. III., p. 232), says: 

"Mr. Lincoln stands responsible for the casting into 
prisons citizens of the United States on orders as arbitrary 
as the Lettres Be Cachet of Louis XIV. of France, instead 
of their arrest as in Great Britain in her crisis on legal ar- 
rests " 

George Bancroft, "Life of Seward," (Vol. II, p. 254), says: 
"Some of the features of these arbitrary arrests bore a 
striking resemblance to the odious institution of the an- 
cient regime of France — the Bastile and Lettres De Cachet." 



48 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS SUSPENDED. 
Abraham Lincoln, Albany, N. Y. : 

"The suspension of the habeas corpus was for the pur- 
pose that men may be arrested and held in prison who can- 
not be proved guilty of any defined crime." 

"A Marylander was seized by a party of soldiers and im- 
prisoned in Fort McHenry. His friends asked Chief Jus- 
tice Taney, of the Supreme Court, for a writ of habeas 
corpus which was granted, but the soldier said President 
Lincoln had authorized him to suspend the writ. Judge 
Taney said the President had no such power." 

Judge Black, of Pennsylvania, in his Essays, says: 

"A perfectly innocent and most respectable woman was 
lawlessly dragged from her family and brutally put to 
death, without judge or upon the mere order of certain mil- 
itary officers convoked for that purpose. It was, take it all 
in all, as foul a murder as ever blackened the face of God's 
sky. It was done in strict accordance with that 'Higher 
Law' and the Law Department of the United States ap- 
proved it." 
(See also Reverdy Johnson's testimony). 

Barne ' Popular History, p. 597: 

"Booth's accomplices were arrested, tried by a military 
court ami convicted." 

THE EXECUTION OF HENRY WIRZ. 

'"He was tried out of his State by suborned witnesse — 
all witnesses in his defense were not permitted to be ad- 
mitted to the stand — and judge and jury partial." 
(See testimony of Louis Schade, his lawyer). 

Extracts taken from Page's "True History of Andersonville" : 

"Major Wirz was the object of that popular injustice 
that personifies causes and demands victims for unpopular 
movements. All the accumulated passions of the war were 
concentrated upon this one man. He was the magnet that 
drew the Northern wrath to satiety." 

"The South never believed that Wirz was guilty nor any- 
body else was guilty of the crimes alleged against him. The 
crimes could not have been committed without their knowl- 
edge. When, therefore, Captain Wirz, standing under the 
gallows and on the very brink of the grave, declared his 
innocence they believed he spoke the truth," 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 



49 



"The War Minister of the Government taking counsel of 
his passions, his prejudices and his hatreds, sought by the 
conviction and execution of Wirz to write a false chapter in 
the history of the war to infamize the South." 

'One of the most truthful and reliable men of Georgia, 
an eminent surgeon, was summoned to Washington for the 
prosecution. Supposing that the Judge Advocate was de- 
sirous of getting the truth, went to him before the trial to 
tell him that the vaccine matter used upon the prisoners 
was the same that was used upon the women and children 
in the country, having been introduced into the South from 
abroad, and had the same effect upon the women and chil- 
dren as it had upon the prisoners. 

"The Judge Advocate did not allude to this testimony 
when the witness was called to the stand, and when the 
counsel for defense recalled him to the stand to explain 
this matter, the Judge Advocate used all his legal ingenuity 
to prevent the truth being told. ' ' 

"When one of the prisoners was called as a witness, he 
testified to a chapter of horrors, and on leaving the stand 
another prisoner accosted him and asked him why he had 
said those things, his reply was: 'I swore to a lie, and if I 
could return to the stand I would swear it all away." 

"The military gentlemen who composed the commission 
with Mr. Stanton at their back have had their fleeting tri- 
umph. Wirz will have his in history. The day will yet 
come when they will deplore the parts they have played in 
this disreputable tragedy." 

"He was doomed before he was heard, and even the per- 
mission to be heard according to law was denied him." 
(p. 236). 

"On the evening before his execution some officers came 
to Wirz's Confessor, Father Boyle, and also to me— Louis 
Schade, his attorney, one of them informing me that a high 
Cabinet official wished to assure Wirz that if he would im- 
plicate Jefferson Davis with the atrocities committed at 
Andersonville, his sentence would be commuted. The mes- 
senger wished me to inform Wirz of this. In the presence 
of Father Boyle, I told Wirz this. His reply was, "Jeffer- 
son Davis had no connection with me as to what was done 
at Andersonville, and if I knew anything about him I would 
not become a traitor to save my life." (p. 237). 

"All connected with Wirz have been released except 
Jefferson Davis. Now as Wirz could not conspire alone, 
nobody now, in view of this fact, considers him guilty." 



50 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

History records that Henry Wirz could not be convicted 
on any charge brought against him. 

"I do not hesitate to assert that out of the 160 witnesses 
that testified, 145 declared that Captain Wirz never mur- 
dered or killed any Union prisoners with his own hands or 
otherwise." (p. 239). 

No names of the alleged murdered men could ever be given, 
and when it was stated that a murder had been committed, no 
such prisoners could be found or identified. Those who were 
said to have died from wounds inflicted by Wirz in many cases 
lived five or six days, yet died nameless. This alone would tes- 
tify to the falsity of the charges. 
Louis Schade, Wirz's attorney: 

"Secretary Stanton denied Christian burial to Captain 
Wirz. He lies side by side with the remains of Mrs. Sur- 
ratt, another and acknowledged victim of military com- 
mission in the yard of the former jail of this city." 

Pa e's History, p. 247 : 

"To my fellow prisoners that still insist that Captain 
Wirz was guilty and merited his tragic death: Do you 
know of your own personal knowledge that he ever maimed 
or killed a Union prisoner of war? Isn't it prejudice pure 
and simple, prejudice caused by your privations and suffer- 
ings at Andersonville? Could you have done better had 
you been in his place ? I judge Henry Wirz from my per- 
sonal knowledge of his character. Let us be fair about the 
matter." 

M. L. Haley, No. 819 Fifth Avenue, Helena, Montana, says 
his friend, a prisoner at Andersonville, told him that the Henry 
Wirz that he knew at Andersonville, and the Henry Wirz tried 
at Washington were two different persons. He had charge of 
100 men and he twice saw Wirz burst into tears when he saw the 
men suffering and he could not help them. 

Some of the prisoners who were at Andersonville testify that 
Glazier's, Kellogg 's, Spencer's, and Urban 's histories of Ander- 
sonville are absolutely untruthful. 
General 0. H. LaGrange, of the Federal Army, said: 

"My personal observation of Wirz leaves no doubt in my 
mind that h e was sacrificed to meet the demands of a class 
of people who demanded his life to satisfy their revengeful 
spirit. T was summoned as a witness and saw the feeling 
underlying the fearful prosecution." 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 51 

THE XIV. AND XV. AMENDMENTS. 

Horton says: 

"The war changed the entire character and system of 
our government, overthrew the rights of Slates, and forced 
amendments against the action of the people, which made 
those amendments unconstitutional." 

"Constitutional View of the War," Stephens, p. 15: 

"The South claimed that the States under Reconstruction 
were required and literally compelled to form such consti- 
tutions as suited the dominant faction at Washington, and 
that while enfranchising the millions of blacks in our midst 
they denied the whites in those States the right to make 
Constitutions to secure safety and happiness." 

Therefore, they regard both of those Amendments XIV. and 
XV. as unconstitutional. 

The Chicago Chronicle: 

"The Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution grew 

out of revenge, for the purpose of punishing the Southern 

people. It became a part of the Constitution by fraud and 

force to secure the results of war. The war was not fought 

to secure negro suffrage." 

While Congress did not explicitly promise that it would admit 

the Representatives and Senators of the States which ratified the 

Fourteenth Amendment, it doubtless would have done so; but 

every one (except Sumner) was indignant at the disqualifying 

clause and overwhelmingly rejected the Amendment. It thus 

failed to secure the votes of three-fourths of the States of the 

Union for ratification. 

Congress angered by this conduct on the part of the South, 
decided to take the reconstruction of the States entirely into 
is own hands. This was a violation of the Constitution. 

"The United States shall guarantee to every State in the 
Union a Republican form of government, and shall protect 
each of them against invasion and domestic violence." 

BLOCKADE. 

The Federal government asserted that the seceding States 
were still in the Union— then how could they invade and destroy 
homes and property, and how blockade their ports? 

"The blockade acknowledged the Confederacy a bellig- 



52 THE TRUTHS OF' HISTORY 

erent power outside of the Union; since no nation can block- 
ade its own ports. President Lincoln would never acknowl- 
edge that the Southern States were out of the Union, so 
when he declared a blockade and England and France pro- 
claimed neutrality between the belligerents he became 
greatly stirred and truly, if the truth be known, this led to 
his Emancipation Act." 

FREEDOM OF PRESS. 
John Fremont : 

"The administration has managed the war for personal 
ends, and with incapacity and selfish disregard of Constitu- 
tional rights, with violation of personal liberty of the press." 

DECISIONS OF THE SUPREME COURT. 

Chas. Francis Adams, Jr. 

"By the decision of the Supreme Court in the case of 
Dred Scott, it would seem that the South has won every 
point. It had demanded all for slavery, and had, at last, 
received it from the supreme judicial tribunal of the land. 
To interfere with slavery now would be to violate the su- 
preme law. This decision puts the burden of good be- 
havior on the North, for the South has always held that 
decision was the supreme law of the land." 

J. G. Holland's "Life of Abraham Lincoln/' p. 284: 

"The South stood by the decisions of the Supreme Court 
— the North did not and Lincoln did not. In his Inaugural 
Address Lincoln said, 'If the decisions of the Supreme 
Court are irrevocably fixed, then the people cease to be 
their own masters, and practically resign their government 
into the hands of that eminent tribunal." 

Report From the Charleston Convention. 1860 : 

"The Southern representatives said that they would stand 
by the Constitution and the decisions of the Supreme Court 
whether for or against the South, and the Northern repre- 
sentatives refused to stand by the decisions of the Supreme 
Court and the highest tribunal of the land." 

Barnes' "Popular History," p. 476, in the Dred Scott case: 

"Judge Taney affirmed that negroes were not citizens 
and that Congress had no power under the Constitution to 
forbid slavery in the Territories." 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 



53 



Lincoln, in his Cooper Institute Speech, said : 

"In spite of Judge Taney's decision, Congress did have 
a right to prohibit slavery in the Territories." 

SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY. 
Von Holst, "The Construction Construed": 

" The "Republican platform which elected Abraham Lin- 
coln declared the Dred Scott decision a political heresy, the 
Missouri Compromise unconstitutional and Squatter Sov- 
ereignty unconstitutional because it allowed a territorial 
government to exclude slavery." 

THE TRENT AFFAIR, 

"On August 29, 1861, President Davis appointed James 
M. Mason, of Virginia, and John Sidell, of Louisiana, com- 
missioners' to England and France to place the Confed- 
eracy in the right light before these two great nations. 
They ran the blockade at Charleston, S. C, October 12, 
1861, and proceeded to Havana, and sailed for Southamp- 
ton, England, on the Trent, commanded by Captain Wilkes. 
The commissioners were taken from the ship with their sec- 
retaries and taken to Fort Warren to be imprisoned. The 
North highly approved of this act and the House of Rep- 
resentatives' with the President's approval voted Captain 
Wilkes a gold medal. This was a direct violation of the 
International Law and England demanded their release 
and an apology. The United States government, through 
its representative, Mr. Seward, did both and did it quickly." 

XIII. 
Jefferson Davis Must Have His Rightful Place in History. 

The United States government is indebted to Jefferson Davis 
for the following services: 

Distinguished services in the Black Hawk War. 

Served valiantly in the war with Mexico. 

Hero at Monterey; wounded at Buena Vista; scaled the walls 
of the City of Mexico. 

He introduced the wedge movement and saved the day at 
Buena Vista. 

United States Senator from Mississippi. 

Secretary of War in Pierce's Cabinet. 



54 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

First to suggest trans-continental railroads connecting the 
Atlantic with the Pacific. 

First to suggest camels as ships of the uninhabitable West to 
convey military stores. 

First to suggest buying Panama Canal Zone. 

First to suggest buying Cuba. 

He planned American trade with China and Japan. 

He suggested closer relations with South America. 

He urged preparedness for war. 

He enlarged the United States Army by four regiments. 

He organized cavalry service adapted to our needs. 

He introduced light infantry or rifle system of tactics. 

He caused the manufacture of guns, rifles and pistols. 

He rendered invaluable services to Colt's Armory. 

He ordered the frontier surveyed. 

He put young officers in training for surveying expeditions. 

He sent George D. McClellan to Crimea to study the military 
tactics of the British and Russian armies. 

He appointed Robert E. Lee as Superintendent of West Point. 

He advanced Albert Sidney Johnston to important posts. 

He had forts repaired and many of them rebuilt. 

He strengthened forts on the Western frontier, frequently 
drawing on arsenals in the South to do it. 

He had the Western part of the continent explored for scien- 
tific, geographical and railroad work. 

He was responsible for the new Senate Hall, the new House 
of Representatives, and for the extension of many public build- 
ings in Washington, especially the Treasury Building. 

He was responsible for the construction of the aqueduct sys- 
tem in the Nation's capital. 

He was responsible for "Armed Liberty" on the Capitol hav- 
ing a helmet of eagle feathers instead of the cap of a pagan 
goddess. 

He had Cabin John Bridge built with its span of 220 feet. 

He was United States Senator under President Buchanan. 

He was nominated for President by Massachusetts men in 
1860. 

He refused to allow his name to be presented for President at 
the Charleston Convention. 

He stood strongly for the Union, but stressed the constitu- 
tional risfht of a State to secede. 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 55 

He did secede with Mississippi, as he had been taught at West 

Point. 

He stood for what Lincoln preached but did not practice — 

"Not to overthrow the Constitution, but to overthrow the men 

who perverted the Constitution." 

Nowhere did his genius display itself more signally than as 

Secretary of War under Franklin Pierce. 

Records op War Department, Washington City : 

"He revised the Army Regulations, showing a thorough 
knowledge of the subject and a matserful grasp of the needs 
of our army, as well as the armies of Europe. 

"That he believed in preparedness is shown by the fact 
that he insisted upon the addition of four regiments to the 
army and organized- a cavalry service peculiarly adapted to 
the wants of the country ; introduced light infantry, or the 
rifle system of tactics, and caused the manufacture of rifles, 
muskets and pistols. He gave such valuable suggestions to 
workmen at Colt's Armory that they made him a pistol on 
the silver breech of which they engraved the words : 'To a 
brother inventor.' 

"Through his influence numberless forts were repaired 
and rehabilitated, the frontier defences strengthened, and 
the Wetsern part of the continent explored for scientific, 
geographical and railroad purposes. It is with pride we 
look back upon his work in the Coast Survey question, for 
he was recognized as the ablest and best posted defender in 
this work. Under the supervision of the War Department, 
during the first year of Mr. Davis' service, the extension of 
the new Capitol was energetically prosecuted. He stood by 
General Meigs in all his efforts to construct the waterworks, 
finish the Capitol building on the grandest scale, and to 
push forward the extension of the Treasury Department. 
A splendid stone aqueduct, which spans 220 feet, a few 
miles from Washington, built during Mr. Davis' term as 
Secretary of War, still remains a monument to his earnest 
labor for the benefit of the capitol. It is known as ' Cabin 
John Bridge.' " 

In Ewing's book, "Northern Rebellion Against the Constitution 
Producing Southern Secession," he shows up Kansas in her 
true light : 

"The fight against the South crystallized in Kansas. 
The rebellion was open against the government, and Jeffer- 
son Davis, when Secretary of War, had to put down that 
rebellion and restore peace and order. John Brown re- 



56 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

opened the fight in Kansas, later taking it to Harper's 
Ferry. ' ' 
A tribute from one of the North who served with Davis in the 
War with Mexico is : 

"Fellow citizens: I was at Bnena Vista, I saw the bat- 
tle lost and victory in the grasp of the brutal and accursed 
foe. I saw the favorite son of 'Harry of the West,' my 
colonel, weltering in his blood as he died on the field. I 
saw death or captivity worse than death in store for every 
Kentuckian on that gory day. Everything seemed lost and 
was hopeless when a Mississippi regiment with Jefferson 
Davis at its head appeared on the scene. I see him now as 
he was then — the incarnation of battle, the avatar of rescue. 
He turned the tide; he snatched victory from defeat: he 
saved the army; his heroic hand wrote 'Buena Vista' in 
letters of everlasting glory on our proud escutcheon,* a hero, 
my countryman, my brother, my rescuer. He is no less so 
this day, and I would strike the shackles from his aged 
limbs and make his as free as the vital air of heaven, and 
clothe him with every right I enjoy, had I the power." 

Congressional Records : On May 24, 1850, Jefferson Davis, of 
Mississippi, in the Senate of the United States passed a set 
of resolutions containing this extract : 

"Any intermeddling of any one or more States by a com- 
bination of citizens with the domestic institutions of other 
States, on any pretext, whatever, political, moral, or re- 
ligious, with a view of disturbance in violation of the Con- 
stitution, is insulting to the States so interfered with and 
tends to weaken the Union. 

The Resolutions passed 36 to 19. Eight States refused to 
vote and these eight States were the ones that had nullified the 
Fugitive Slave law and later elected Abraham Lincoln President. 
The South knew this and resented Lincoln's election. 

His speech as Fanueil Hall, Boston, 1853, was a masterly 
effort in defence of the South and the Constitutional right of 
slavery. When it was known that he was to make his Farewell 
Address to the Senate in 1861, the House of Representatives 
came in a body to hear him. 

Tt was at West Point he studied Rawle's "Yiew of the Con- 
stitution," which taught him that if a State seceded — showing 
that it was an acknowledged fact by the Constitution that a 
State had the right to secede — the duty of a soldier reverted to 
his State — hence Davis, Robert E. Lee, Thomas J. Jackson, the 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 5 7 

Johnstons and others, acting upon this instruction, cast their 
lot with their States in 1861. Thus it happened that when in 
1865 the question of a trial of Jefferson Davis was agitated, 
Chief Justice Chase said that a trial would condemn the North, 
and so no trial was ever held. He was released on bail but his 
political disabilities were never removed. 
Jerome E. Titlow, the one sent to manacle him, said : 

"Upon him criticism expended all its arrows and yet no 
blemish was found." 

Men who did not love him or admire him as a politician were 
forced to acknowledge his fine traits of character. 
New York "World : 

"Jefferson Davis was a man of commanding ability, spot- 
less integrity, controlling conscience, and a temper so res- 
olute that at times it approached obstinacy. He was proud, 
sensitive and honorable in all his dealings and in every re- 
lation of life." 

The Editor of the New York Sun said : 

"Amid irreparable disaster, Jefferson Davis was sus- 
tained by a serene consciousness that he had done a man's 
work according to his lights, and that, while unable to com- 
mand success, he had striven to deserve it. Even among 
those who looked upon him with least sympathy it was felt 
that he bore defeat and humiliation in the highest Roman 
fashion." 

Charles Francis Adams, Jr.: 

"No fatal mistakes either of administration or strategy 
were made which can be fairly laid to his account. He did 
the best possible with the means that he had at his com- 
mand. Merely the opposing forces were too many and too 
strong for him. Of his austerity, earnestness and fidelity 
there can be no more question that can be entertained of 
his capacity." 

Dr. Craven, his prison physician, gave this testimony: 

' ' The more I saw of him the more I was convinced of his 
sincere religious convictions. He impressed me more with 
the divine origin of God's Word than any professor of 
Christianity I ever met." 

Did his Christianity extend to forgiveness of his enemies. A 
Northern man, Ridpath, the historian, a guest at Beauvoir, tes- 
tified that during his visit he never heard one word of bitterness 



58 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

toward any man. A ((notation from a speech made to the 
Mississippi Legislature March 10, 1884, will in itself suffice to 
answer this question: 

"Our people have accepted that decree; it therefore be- 
hooves them, as they may, to promote the general welfare 
of the Union, to show to the world that hereafter as here- 
tofore, the patriotism of our people is not measured by 
lines of latitude and longitude, but is as broad as the obli- 
gations they have assumed and embraces the whole of our 
ocean-bound domain. Let them leave to their children's 
children the good example of never swerving from the path 
of duty, and prefering to return good for evil rather than 
to cherish the unmanly feeling of revenge." 
When the news came that Lee must fall back from Peters- 
burg, which meant the evacuation of Richmond, and a possible 
surrender, he was found on his knees in prayer in St. Paul's 
Church, Richmond, Va. 

Did Jefferson Davis ever regret the step that was taken in re- 
gard to secession? 

"It has been said that I should apply to the United 
States for a pardon; but repentance must precede the right 
of pardon, and I have not repented. Remembering, as I 
must, all which has been suffered, all which has been lost, 
disappointed hopes, and crushed aspirations, yet I delib- 
erately say, if it were to do over again, I would do just as 
I did 'in 1861. 

"Never teach your children to admit that their fathers 
were wrong in their effort to maintain the sovereignty, 
freedom and independence which was their inalienable 
birthright. I cannot believe that the causes for which our 
sacrifices were made can ever be lost, but rather hope that 
those who now deny the justice of our asserted claims will 
learn from experience that the fathers builded wisely and 
the Constitution should be construed according to the com- 
mentaries of those men who made it." 

Chief Justice Chase: 

"If Jefferson Davis be brought to trial it will convict the 
North and exonerate the South." 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 59 

II. 

Charles O'Connor: 

"Rawle's 'View of the Constitution' and Bledsoe's 'Is 
Davis a Traitor?', would have won the case without further 
testimony had it come to trial." (The Trial of Jefferson 
Davis). 

On page 44 of "The Republic of Republics," is found this state- 
ment: 

"A solemn consultation of a small number of the ablest 
lawyers of the North was held in Washington to discuss the 
question whether the Federal Government should commence 
a criminal prosecution against Jefferson Davis for his par- 
ticipation and leadership in the War of Secession. The 
council was conducted with the utmost secrecy. Among 
those present were Attorney-General Speed, Judge Clif- 
ford Wm. Evarts, and perhaps a dozen others who had been 
selected from the whole Northern profession for their legal 
ability and acumen, and the result of their deliberation was 
the sudden abandonment of the idea of prosecution in view 
of the insurmountable difficulties of securing conviction." 

Charles O'Connor, one of Mr. Davis' counsel and one of the 
most distinguished lawyers in the United States, after reading 
the lines of argument by Dr. Bledsoe in "Is Davis a Traitor?" 
wrote to him that with so admirably prepared, and overwhelm- 
ingly conclusive brief as was contained in his book, his task of 
defending Mr. Davis would be easy indeed. 
Rev. Dr. Bacon, of Assouet, Massachusetts, said: 

"While the trial of Mr. Davis was pending, Mr. Wm. B. 
Reed, one of the counsel for defence, was a member of my 
brother's congregation at Orange, N. J. He told my 
brother that if the case had come to trial, Rawle's 'View of 
, the Constitution,' the textbook from which Davis had been 
instructed at West Point, would have been used in his 
defense, and when this was learned, it was decided the trial 
was not to take place." (See North American Review, 
September, 1904). 

Charles Francis Adams testified that before Story's Commen- 
taries were published in 1833, Rawle's 'View of the Constitu- 
tion,' (published in 1825) was the textbook at West Point, and 
continued in use up to 1840. 



60 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

R, G. Horton, in his "Youth's History of the Civil War," pub- 
lished in 1868, on page 384, says: 

"It is extremely doubtful whether the abolitionists will 
ever dare to bring Mr. Davis before a fair tribunal; for in 
that case they would themselves be proved the traitors and 
rebels which they accuse him of being. Probably under 
some pretext he will be allowed liberty and thus end the 
last act in the four years tragedy of sorrow. 

"His counsel demanded a speedy trial knowing he would 
be vindicated. The Federal Government postponed the trial 
three years. When, at last, the case was called Chief Jus- 
tice Chase blocked the prosecution by some technical point 
and referred the decision to the Supreme Court ; and that 
case, today, rests on the Supreme Court docket never to 
be brought to trial — what does this prove? It completely 
vindicates the man and the cause." 

In 1876, eleven years after the South surrendered, Mr. James 
G. Blaine of Maine, stood up in Congress and poured out "a 
lot of hate-born lies as malignant as human tongue ever uttered 
or human brain ever concocted : ' ' 

"Mr. Davis," cried Mr. Blaine, "was the author, know- 
ingly, deliberately, guiltily, and willfully, of the gigantic 
murders and crimes at Andersonville. And I here before 
God, measuring my words, knowing their full intent, and 
import, declare that neither the deeds of the Duke of Alva 
in the Low Country, nor the massacre of St. Bartholomew, 
nor the thumb screws, and other engine of torture of the 
Inquisition, begin to compare in atrocity with the hideous 
crimes of Andersonville." 

Mr. Hili/s reply: 

"If nine per cent, of the men in Southern prisons were 
starved and tortured to death by Mr. Jefferson Davis, who 
tortured to death the twelve per cent, of the Southern men 
who died in Northern prisons?" (See "Secretary Stan- 
ton's Statistics." 

Judge Shea was sent in 1866 to Canada to examine the secret 
sessions' records of the Confederate Government. Through the 
courtesy of General John C. Breckenridge, Judge Shea was al- 
lowed to examine these records, especially those in regard to the 
care of and exchange of prisoners. This was taken from Judge 
Shea's report: 

"It was decisively manifest that Mr. Davis steadily and 
unflinchingly set himself in opposition to the demands for 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 61 

retaliation, and this impaired his personal influence and 
brought censure upon him from Southern people. These 
secret sessions show that Mr. Davis strongly desired to do 
something which would secure better treatment of his men 
in Northern prisons ; and would place the war on the foot- 
ing of wars waged by people in modern times, and divest it 
of a savage character. Mr. Davis never did yield to the 
continual demand for retaliation." 

Russell's Diary, p. 163; Correspondence to London Times: 

' ' The stories which have been so sedulously spread of the 
barbarity and cruelty of the Confederates to all the wound- 
ed Union men ought to be set at rest by the printed state- 
ments of the eleven Union surgeons, just released, who have 
come back from Richmond, where they were sent after their 
capture on the field of Bull Run, with the most distinct 
testimony that the Confederates treated their prisoners 
with humanity. Who are the miscreants who assert that the 
rebels burned the wounded in hospitals and bayoneted them 
as they lay helpless on the battlefield ? ' ' 

Editor of the New Haven (Conn.) Register says: 

"There is something to say about Jefferson Davis and 
his admission to the Hall of Fame. It is high time it was 
said. It is high time that the mist which for half a century 
has distorted the North's view of this son of the South was 
cleared away. It is in justice time that the man, who in his 
day suffered more than any other Southerner for the cause 
in which he believed, should cease to be reckoned a traitor 
and a coward and be esteemed for what he was, a brave, 

true Southern gentleman The South will never cease 

to admire the man of iron nerve, of dauntless courage, of 
ceaseless loyalty, of unsullied honor, of tireless energy, of 
peerless chivalry, who suffered and dared and all but died 
for the cause he loved and lost. Of that host of true men 
who gave their best and their all for the Confederacy be- 
cause in their deepest hearts they believed they were doing 
right, none was more sincere than he. Of that multitude 
who lined up for the struggle against their brothers of the 
North, none was braver, none was nobler. His sacrifice 
was as extreme as it was sincere, and his treatment by the 
victors after the crash came was sore medicine for a heart 
that was breaking 

"What better time could there be to signify, by the 
placing of his statue in the nation's capital, that the wounds 
of that war are healed, that in the blood of brothers shed 
the Union is forever cemenied on a foundation that stand- 



62 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

eth sure ? Then let his presentment stand erect, noble, com- 
manding, impressive as he stood in the days when he was 

master of the destinies of half a nation Let it picture 

a martyr to a cause that, though lost, was not wholly vain, 
since it taught brothers to appreciate a relationship they 
were in danger of forgetting. And not inappropriately 
might there be carved on it the inscription which an un- 
known poet of the South once suggested for his statue : 

a <~\y?'ite on its base, 'We loved him.' All these years 
Since that torn flag was folded we've been true, 
The love that bound us now revealed in tears 
Like webs unseen till heavy with the dew.' " 

The writer of this article knew Mr. Davis personally, and in 
his home at Beauvoir was his guest. In addition, he had also 
been one of his escort from Charlotte, N. C, to Washington, 
Ga. In the home of Mr. Davis no word of bitterness toward 
even those who had despitefully used him was heard. He de- 
clined to discuss the politics of the day, evidently feeling the 
indignity that was daily heaped upon him by those who, forget- 
ting nothing, also learned nothing. Of Mr. Lincoln he spoke 
several times in kindly terms, • instancing his fine capacity for 
illustrating his meaning with apt anecdotes, an accomplishment 
in which he thought few public men had excelled him. Though 
in Congress at the same time as Mr. Lincoln, he stated that he 
had no recollection of his personality. In an article which was 
written by the writer of this after his visit to Mr. Davis the 
following is found: 

"Not by word or tone did this chief of the greatest of 
civil wars express other than respect for the memory of 
that other great Kentuckian who, like himself, sat in a 
Presidential chair and held in his hands the destinies of a 
great people during that struggle between the two finest 
armies of volunteers the world has ever known." 

Polk Johnson, "Confederate Veteran," Louisville, Ky., Jan- 
uary, 1920: 

"The most remarkable man of his day in many respects, 
the chief of the greatest civil war the world has known, 
the head of a government and army which, considering 
their resources, or the lack of them, put on record the great- 
est military achievements of the age; the unfaltering ad- 
vocate of an idea which he refuses to abandon in the face 
of defeat, which idea represents the opinions of the found- 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 63 

ers of the government and the spirit of the Constitution, he 
sits by the side of the sea, a citizen of no land under the 
sun; proscribed, misrepresented, and derided, yet accept, 
ing it all without a murmur and calmly resting his case 
for those who will come after all of us to decide, conscious 
of the uprightness of his public and private career., his 
faithful devotion to his State and section, and the honesty 
of his purposes. Surrounded by his family, he as calmly 
and bravely awaits the end, which cannot be far away now, 
as he faced the storm of Santa Anna's bullets in Mexico 
and bore the indignity of chains and the horrors of a 
dungeon in later years. Kindly, gentle old man! When 
that good gray head is pillowed upon the bosom of your 
beloved Mississippi, may there come one who will write 
upon the pages of history the fair record of your brave, up- 
right, and honored life, for it has been and is all of these, 
deny it as your bitterest adversary may ! ' ' 

' ' In vain Mr. Davis requested to be taken into open court. 
They would not for they knew they had no partiek of evi- 
dence on which to convict him. Were he tried for Lincoln's 
murder, Judge Shea and Horace Greeley would testify that 
they would be proved guilty of lying not Mr. Davis of 
murder. If tried for treason not Mr. Davis but the whole 
of the Eepublican party would be tried for treason, and 
Chief Justice Chase would testify to this. If tried for 
cruelty at Andersonville, Chas. Dana would testify to the 
falsity of this charge — yet the Federal government kept 
Mr. Davis in prison two years, and every day after for a 
dozen or more years the Republican party continued to pour 
on Mr. Davis' name streams of sulphuric hate." 
His servants were greatly attached to him. He was always 
just to them. When he died they wrote to Mrs. Davis : 

"We, the old servants of our beloved master, have cause 
to mingle our tears over his death. He was always so kind 
and thoughtful of our peace and happiness. We extend 
our humble sympathy." 

John P. Sjolander: 

"And when the mists are hi own from Wound the height 
On which he lived, perchance some noole mind. 
Born in that newer day and clearer light, 

Up to its peak shall point out to mankind 
The long white road he trod alone at night." 



64 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

XIV. 

Abraham Lincoln Must Have His Rightful Place in History. 

AUTHORITY: 

Summed up, the services of Lincoln to the United States gov- 
ernment were : 

Captain in the Black Hawk War. 

One term in the House of Representatives, 1846. 

Elected President of the United States by the Republican 
party on a minority vote. 

Re-elected President in 1865, over McClellan, by using his 
power as commander-in-chief of the army. 

He involved the United States in war by re-enforcing Fort 
Sumter. 

In the "Trent" affair he came very near involving the United 
States in war with England. 

He refused to aid Mexico against Maxmilian in 1863, and 
thus kept the United States out of war. 

He freed the slaves of the Southern States by a proclamation 
that was unconstitutional. 

He preserved the Union, not by a constitutional right, but 
by armed might. (George Lunt, Herndon, Lamon, McClellan). 

"Lincoln signed the liquor revenue bill and turned the 
saloons loose on the country, thus undoing the previous 
temperance work of the churches." 

"He studied men more than he studied books. He knew 
their strong points, and their weak points; he knew their 
faults, their foibles, their whims and their caprices. 

"He had few friends and fewer intimates. He unbosom- 
ed himself to none. He responded quickly to distress He 
was physically and morally brave. His' will was immov- 
able yet he was the child of policy and expediency. He was 
ambitious and aspiring. He was self-eonndent'and never 
hesitated to cross mental swords with the most brilliant. 

"His real strength lay in knowing plain people for he 
was one of them, and there are more plain people in the 
world than any other kind. He saw their struggle and toil, 
their griefs and tears. He knew how they thought and felt 
and acted. He was their friend and they knew it. He knew 
how to communicate with them in their speech and amuse 
them by his jokes. He was an American, but an Ameri- 
can of a new national type." 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 65 

George Lunt says : 

"Lincoln was incapable of wide range of thought. He 
was infirm of purpose led by sharper minds. He frequently 
insisted upon minor points of consideration whether right 
or wrong. A large majority of the people had never heard 
of him before his nomination." 

"He has been compared to Washington, but his locrsely 
constituted and indecisive character cannot be compared 
to the high-toned and sagacious Washington." {"Origin 
of Late War," p. 435. 

"Mr. Lincoln was elected by the States not the people. 
He received the majority of electoral votes but was nearly 
one and a half million of votes in minority counting the 
votes of the people. Although Mr. Lincoln was elected by 
State rights yet he went to work at once to destroy State 
rights. 

"He had a way of illustrating by anecdote what his 
wishes were thus not openly committing himself to any- 
thing that could politically be brought against him. 

"By an anecdote he let Grant know that his terms of 
surrender for Lee must be magnanimous. By an anecdote 
he showed very plainly he desired President Davis to es- 
cape and not fall into' the hands of the North. He knew 
Davis could never be tried for treason, therefore, he did 
not wish the test made. Had he lived, Sherman's terms of 
surrender to Johnston would not have been so severely 
dealt with by the Cabinet, for those were the very terms 
Lincoln would have wished, because of his injustice to the 
South. 

"His death was the greatest blow that could have be- 
fallen the South. Jefferson Davis said this, Howell Cobb 
and other Southern statesmen said this. No statesmen, 
North or South, rejoiced over the news of his death ex- 
cept Thad Stevens who desired to carry out his own Re- 
construction policy instead of Lincoln's. 

"He realized that he would be obliged to free all slaves 
by war, so he planned a bill to introduce into Congress to 
pay $400,000,000 for slaves belonging to the slaveholders 
of the North. He realized how this act of coercion which 
brought on the war and his freeing of the slaves, and de- 
struction and confiscation of the life and property of the 
Southern States had been caused by the acts of war, so his 
policy for Reconstruction was made as magnanimous as 
he dared or could be expected." 



66 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

Godwin, of "The Nation," says: 

"The first real breach in the Constitution was President 
Lincoln's using his war power to abolish slavery." 
Thad Stevens: 

"I will not stultify myself by supposing that Mr. Lin- 
coln has any warrant in the Constitution for dismembering 
Virginia." 

McClure, his friend, said : 

"Mr. Lincoln swore to obey the Constitution, but in 
eighteen months violated it by his Emancipation Procla- 
mation." 

Mr. Rhodes (Vol. IV., p. 213), says: 

"There was no authority for the Proclamation by the 
Constitution and laws — nor was there any statute' that 
warranted it." 

Mr. Lincoln in all fairness must be judged by the truth of 
history alone as recorded by the men of the North— those who 
placed him in power. The evidence is very strong against him 
as a violator of the Constitution. 

Wendell Phillips, at the Cooper Institute, 1864, said : 

"I judge Mr. Lincoln by his acts, his violations of the 
law, his overthrow of liberty in the Northern States. 

"I judge Mr. Lincoln by his words, his deeds, and so 
judging him, I am unwilling to trust Abraham Lincoln with 
the future of this country. ' ' 

Percy Gregg said : 

"Lincoln's order that Confederate commissions or let- 
ters of marque granted to private or public ships should 
be disregarded and their crews treated as pirates, and all 
medicines declared contraband of war, violated every rule 
of civilized war and outraged the conscience of Christen- 
dom." 

"Lincoln never hesitated to violate the Constitution when 
he so desired. The Chief Justice testified to this. Lincoln 
suspended the Writ of Habeas Corpus in 1861 ; he allowed 
West Virginia to be formed from Virginia contrary to the 
Constitution; he issued his Emancipation Proclamation 
without consulting his Cabinet and in violation of the Con- 
stitution." 

"He consented to a cartel for exchange of prisoners Feb- 
ruary, 14. 1862. When it was to the advantage of the 
North, faith was kept; when it was to the advantage of the 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 67 

South, it was violated." (See Cor. Lieut.Col. Ludlow and 
Col. Ould, July 26, 1863). 

"Had he been humane, he would not have allowed 38,000 
men and women— editors, politicians, clergymen of good 
character and honor— imprisoned in gloomy, damp case- 
ments, for no overt act, but simply because they were 'Dem- 
ocrat suspects. ' ' ' ("Life and Times of Hann ibal Hamlin, 
p. 393). (Bancroft's "Life of Seward," Vol. 2, p. 254). 

Boutwell, Congressman from Massachusetts, said: 

"With varying degrees of intensity the whole Democratic 
party sympathized with the South and arraigned Lincoln 
and the Repulican party for all the country endured. 

"On Circuit With Lincoln," p. 364: 

"Lincoln was not in any sense of the word an Abolition- 
ist. He had no intention to make voters of negroes — in fact 
their welfare did not enter into his policy at all." 

Tarbell : 

"Mr. Chase was never able to see Mr. Lincoln's great- 
ness. ' ' 

McClure : 

"Chase was the most irritating fly in the Lincoln oint- 
ment. ' ' 
Rhodes, Vol. IV., p. 320 : 

"Lincoln's contemporaries failed to perceive his great- 
ness. ' ' 

"Ben Wade and Henry W. Davis issued a manifesto 
against him. Sumner, Wade, Davis, and Chase were his 
'malicious foes.' Lincoln was forced to appoint Chase to 
the office of Chief Justice in order to remove him from the 
Cabinet, for he was said to be 'the irritating fly in the Lin- 
coln ointment.' Stanton called Lincoln 'a coward and a 
fool.' Seward said he had 'a cunning that amounted to 
genius.' Richard Dana said, 'The lack of respect for the 
President by his Cabinet cannot be concealed.' He was 
called 'the baboon at the other end of the avenue,' and 'the 
idiot of the White House.' Had not Grant succeeded in 
gaining a victory at Vicksburg, a movement to appoint a 
Dictator in Lincoln's place would have gone into effect, | 
His Cabinet had lost confidence in his policy." 

Benjamin R. Curtis, of the Supreme Court ("Executive Pow- 
er") says: 

"The President has made himself a legislator. He has 



08 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

enacted penal laws governing citizens of the United State. 
He has super-added to his rights as commander the power 
of usurper. He has established a military despotism He 
can now use the authority he has assumed to iffiSmsSf 
master of our lives, our liberties, our properties with Xer 
to delegate his mastership to such satraps as he may select." 
Ida Tarbell's "Life of Lincoln": 

''In the winter of 1862- '63 many and many a man de- 
serted the army. They refusel to fight. Mr Lincol nknew 
that hundreds of soldiers were being urged bv parents ; and 
friends to desert. New York, Penjylvfnfa Ohio Tndiana 
and Illinois reserved their vote. The people were wear J of 
war weary of so much waste of life and money. Open dis- 

whichbrok, ™. flh0 . w 1 n in Pennsylvania and Wisconsin 
which broke out in violence over the draft for more men." 

John A. Logan. "Great Conspiracy," p. 551, Springfield 111 
June, 1863 : 8 * ' 

p/-7i 1 T\ Wa lr° pen and avowed hosttilitv to Lincoln in 

Aevv Jersey So violent was the hostility to war in Massa- 
chusetts and New York, the call of volunteers was unheed- 
ed, and when the government demanded a draft, the peo- 

YnrT P-f ed ^ m Cr0Vvds . and fe arful ™ts ensued. In New 
loik City the opposition was so violent, the rioters so 
numerous, the city was terrified for days and nigh? The 
houses m which the draft machines were at work were 
wrecked and then burned to ashes. The order for draft 
was rescinded by the government at Washington and the 
people urged to disperse and to retire to thfir homes on 
the promise that there would be no more drafting." 

Ida Tarbll. p. 165, McClure's Magazine, January, 1893: 

''Many and many a man deserted in the winter of 1862- 

63 because of Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation The 

soldiers did not believe that Lincoln had the right to iW 

LTiSng" setl t0 %ht - LincoIn k - ^ ***S 

B. T. Butler says : 

rarlfr^Sd^h ?"** War the Lincoln government was 

cfsions o t he S WaS » nanimousl v impeded by the de- 
cisions ot the Supreme Court, so that President Lincoln 
was obliged to suspend the Writ of Habeas Corpus in ord " 
to relieve himself from the rulings of the Court." 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 69 

Tarbell's "Life of Lincoln": 

"It was declared that Lincoln had violated Constitu- 
tional rights, declared that he had violated personal liberty, 
and the liberty of the press. It was said that Lincoln had 
been guilty of all the abuses of a military dictatorship. 
Much bitter criticism was made of his treatment of the 
South's peace commissioners. The despair, the indignation 
of the country centered on Mr. Lincoln." 

Morse, "American Statesmen": 

"Many distinguished men of his own party distrusted 
him." 
Richard A. Dana, (Letters to Thomas Lathrop), February 23, 
1863 : 

"I see no hope but in the army; the lack of respect for 
the President in all parties is unconcealed. He has no ad- 
mirers. If a convention were held tomorrow he would not 
get the vote of a single state." 

Wendell Phillips: 

"As long as you keep the present turtle (Mr. Lincoln) 
at the head of affairs you make a pit with one hand, and 
fill it with the other."' 

Wendell Piiillins: 

"The re-election of Abraham Lincoln will be National 
destruction." 

McClure: 

"It is an open secret that Stanton advised the overthrow 
of the Lincoln government to be replaced by McClellan as 
military dictator. ' ' 

Hapgood's "Life of Lincoln": 

"Charles A. Dana testifies that the whole power of the 
War Department, was used to secure Lincoln's re-election 
in 1864. There is no doubt that this is true. Purists may 
turn pale at such things, but the world wants no prettified 
portrait of Mr. Lincoln's Jesuitical ability to use the fox's 
skin when the lion's proves too short and that was one part 
of his enormous value." 

Richard H. Dana, March, 1863, in a letter to Charles Francis 
Adams, Sr., Minister to England, said: 

"If a Republican Convention was to be held tomorrow he 
would not get. the vote of a single state. He is an unspeak- 
able calamitv to us where he is." 



70 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

Lamon's "Life of Lincoln" : 

"No phase of Mr. Lincoln's character has been so per- 
sistently misrepresented as this of his religious belief." 

Herndon's "Life of Lincoln": 

"Abraham Lincoln became more discreet in later life 
and used words and phrases to make it appear that he was 
a Christian. He never changed on this subject. He lived 
and died a deep-grounded infidel." 

Lamon's "Life of Lincoln" : 

"Mr. Lincoln went to church, but he went to mock and 
came away to mimic." 

Hapgood's "Life of Lincoln," p. 183: 

"All the clergy in Springfield voted against Lincoln." 
LAMON : 

"The people all drank, and Abe was for doing what the 
people did, right or wrong." 

E. C. Ingersoll: 

"President Lincoln is now clothed with power as full as 
that of the Czar of Russia." 

Henry Ward Beecher: 

"I know it is said that President Lincoln is not the gov- 
ernment; that the Constitution is the government. What! 
A sheep-skin parchment a government. President Lincoln 
and his Cabinet is now the government." 

VIEWS ON SLAVERY. 

Lincoln said, (Hapgood's "Abraham Lincoln, The Man of The 
People," p. 273) : 

"If I could save the Union without freeing any slaves I 
would do it." 

Allen Thorndike Rice says, {"Reminiscences of Lincoln," 
p. 14) : 

"Lincoln did not free the negro for the sake of the slave, 
but for the sake of the Union. It is an error to class him 
with the noble band of Abolitionists to whom neither church 
nor state were sacred when it sheltered slavery." 

Herndon, Lincoln's law partner: 

"When Lovejoy the zealous Abolitionist came to Spring- 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 71 

field to speak against slavery, Lincoln left ? town to avoid 
taking sides either for or against Abolition." 

Lincoln said: fJ 

"Slaves are property, and if freed should be paid for. 
We cannot hold him up as a hater of slavery. Abraham 
Lincoln did not free the slaves because he hated slavery, nor for 
any love for the African race, nor for any desire to give them 
suffrage or social equality. In his campaign speeches, he said 
he had no thought of freeing the slaves. In his Inaugural Ad- 
dress he said the same. He made Hunter and Fremont in Mis- 
souri countermand their acts freeing the slaves in conquered 
territory in the early years of the war, saying, "they could not 
by the Constitution do it," and "the war was not being fought 
with any view of freeing the slaves." 

Congress had declared to Benjamin Franklin and to the 
Quakers that it had no right to free the slaves. The Constitu- 
tion had not been amended, but Lincoln approved an act in 
1861 which said "Congress had the right to abolish slavery in 
the States" and this allowed the Constitution to be violated 

again. 

Mr. Lincoln was an adroit politician. When dealing with the 

South, he said: 

"I have no Constitutional right to free your slaves, and 

no desire to do so." 
When dealing with the Border States, he said: 

"Slavery is not to be interfered with." 
When dealing with the Republican party, he said : 

"This country cannot remain half slave and half free." 
When dealing with the Abolitionists, he said : 

"This war is against slavery." 
When dealing with Foreign Nations, he said: 

"The slaves must be emancipated." — Lunt. 
He said he had no desire to free the slaves.— (Inaugural Ad- 

He said he had no Constitutional right to free them.— (In- 
augural Address). f 
He said if freed they should be segregated.— (Butler s 

Works). 

He said he never desired nor intended to give them political 
nor social equality.— (Butler's Works), 



72 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

LINCOLN'S PROMISES. 
Inaugural Address : 

"Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the 
Southern States that by the accession of a Republican ad- 
ministration their property and their peace and personal 
security are to be endangered. There has never been any 
reasonable cause for such apprehension. 

"I have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere 
with the institution of slavery in the States where it ex- 
ists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have 
no inclination to do so." 

Tn his letter to Alexander Stephens, who wrote expressing 
his sympathy for him in the great responsibility resting upon 
him as President in those perilous days, he said : 

("For your eye onlv.") 
"Do the people of the South really entertain fear 'that a 
Republican administration would directly or indirectly 
interfere with their slaves, or with them about their slaves! 
If they do, I wish to assure you as once a friend, and still, 
I hope, not an enemy, that there is no cause for such fears. 
The South would be in no more danger in this respect than 
it was in the days of Washington." ("Public and Private 
Letters of Alexander Stephens," p. 150). 

VIEWS ON COLONIZATION OF THE NEGRO. 

President Lincoln in his Emancipation Proclamation evidently 
had in mind to colonize or segregate the slaves if freed. 

"It is my purpose to colonize persons of African descent, 
with their consent, upon this continent or elsewhere, with 
the previously obtained consent of the government existing 
there." " 

"From the time of his election as President, he was striv- 
ing to find some means of colonizing the negroes. An ex- 
periment had been made of sending them to Liberia, but it 
was a failure, and he wished to try another colony, hoping 
that would be successful. He sent one colony to Cow 
Island under Koch as overseer, but he proved very cruel 
to the negroes and they begged to return. He then asked 
for an appropriation of money from Congress to purchase 
land in Central America, but Central America refused to 
sell and said, 'Do not send the negroes here.' The North 
said, 'Do not send the negroes here.' 

"It was agreed then that a Black Territory should be 
set apart for the segregation of the negroes in' Texas. Mis- 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 73 

sissippi and South Carolina — but Lincoln was unhappy, and 
in despair — he asked Ben Butler's advice, saying: 

" 'If we turn 200,000 armed negroes in the South, among 
their former owners, from whom we have taken their arms, 
it will inevitably lead to a race war. It cannot be done. 
The negroes must be gotten rid of. Ben Butler said: 
'Whv not send them to Panama to dig the canal?' (See 
Butler's Book). 

Lincoln was delighted at the suggestion, and asked Butler 
to consult Seward at once. .Only a few days later John Wilkes 
Booth assassinated Lincoln and one of his conspirators wounded 
Seward. What would have been the result had Lincoln lived 
cannot be estimated. The poor negroes would possibly have 
been sent to that place of yellow fever and malarial dangers to 
perish from the face of the earth, for we had no Gorgas of Ala- 
bama to study our sanitary laws for them at that time. 

VIEWS ON SOCIAL EQUALITY OF THE NEGRO. 

In his speech at Charleston, 111., 1858, Lincoln said : 

"I am not now, nor ever have been in favor of bringing 
about in any way the social or political equality of the 
white and black races. I am not now nor ever have been 
in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qual- 
ifying them to hold office, nor of intermarriages with white 
people. There is a physical difference between the white 
and the black races which will forever forbid the two races 
living together on social or political equality. There must 
be a position of superior and inferior, and I am in favor of 
assigning the superior position to the white man." 

Muzzey's "American History," p. 486. (Dr. Muzzey is the 
teacher of history at Columbia College, New York) : 

"Lincoln had no idea of forcing the South to give a single 
slave political rights." 

In his speech at Peoria, 111., he said : 

"We know that some Southern men do free their slaves, 
go North and become tip-top abolitionists, while some 
Northern men go South and become most cruel masters. 

"When Southern people tell us that they are no more 
responsible for the origin of slavery than we are, I acknowl- 
edge the fact. When it is said the institution exists, and it 
is very difficult to get rid of in any satisfactory way, I can 
understand and appreciate the saying. I surely will not 



74 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

blame them for not doing what I should not know how to 
do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should 
not know what to do as to the existing institution My 
first impulse would possibly be to free all the slaves and 
send them to Liberia to their own native land. But a mo- 
ment's reflection would convince me that this would not 
be best for them. If they were all landed there in a day 
. they would all perish in the next ten days, and there is not 
surplus money enough to carry them there in many times 
ten days. What then ? Free them all and keep them among 
us as underlings. Is it quite certain that this would alter 
their condition? Free them and make them politically 
and socially our equals? My own feelings will not admit 
of this, and if mine would, we well know that those of the 
great mass of whites will not. We cannot make them our 
equals. A system of gradual emancipation might be adopt- 
ed, and I will not undertake to judge our Southern friends 
for tardiness in this matter." 

"At Peoria ,111., in 1854, he said: 'I acknowledge the 
constitutional rights of the States — not grudgingly, but 
fairly and fully, and I will give them any legislation for 
reclaiming their fugitive slaves.' 

"The point the Republican party wanted to stress was 
to oppose making slave States out of the newly acquired 
territory, not abolishing slavery as it then existed. Lincoln 
spoke of anti-slavery men in 1862 as 'Radicals and Abo 
litionists. ' Rhodes said that the abolitionists said, 'The 
President is not with us; he has no anti-slavery instincts.' " 
(Rhodes' "History of United States," Vol. IV., p. 64). 

EMANCIPATION. 
George Lunt says: 

"Emancipation is not within the scope of the Constitu- 
tution, or in any degree at the disposition of the United 
States government, and can mean nothing else than revolu- 
tion for which the abolitionists are striving. Revolution 
can only be justified by oppression and the power of op- 
pression is not with the South." 

Morse's "Abraham Lincoln," Vol. II., p. 102: 

"I felt that measures otherwise unconstitutional might 
become lawful by becoming indispensable. Right or wrong, 
I assume this ground and now avow it." 
Carpenter repeats the President's words: 

"I put the draft of the Proclamation aside, waiting for 
a victory. Finally came the week of Antietam. I deter- 
mined to wait no longer. I was then staying at the Sol- 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 75 

diers' Home. Here I finished writing the second draft of 
the proclamation ; called the Cabinet together to hear it, 
and it was published the following Monday. I made a sol- 
emn vow before God that if General Lee was driven back 
from Maryland I would crown the result by the declaration 
of freedom to the slaves." (Barnes' "Popular History," 
Chap. XV.) 

Rhodes' "History of the United States," Vol. IV., p. 344: 

"His Emancipation Proclamation was not issued from a 
humane standpoint. He hoped it would incite the negroes 
to rise against the women and children." 

"His Emancipation Proclamation was intended only as 
a punishment for the seceding States. It was with no 
thought of freeing the slaves of more than 300,000 slave- 
holders then in the Northern army. 

J 'His Emancipation Proclamation was issued for a four- 
fold purpose and it was issued with fear and trepidation 
lest he should offend his Northern constituents. He did it : 
First : 

"Because of an oath — that if Lee should be driven from 
Maryland he would free the slaves. (Barnes and Guerber). 
Second : 

"The time of enlistment had expired for many men in 
the army and he hoped this would encourage re-enlistment. 
Third: 

"Trusting that Southern men would be forced to return 
home to protect their wives and children from negro in- 
surrection. 
Fourth : 

"Above all he issued it to prevent foreign nations from 
recognizing the Confederacy." 

Rhodes, Vol. IV.: 

"The House of Lords was almost unanimously for the 
South, as was the majority of the House of Commons, 
elected in that day by about a million voters." 

"Wendell Phillips: 

"Lincoln was badgered into emancipation. After he is- 
sued it, he said it was the greatest folly of his life. It was 
like the Pope's bull against the comet." 
Was he satisfied with its effect? Let us see what happened. 

"McClure's Magazine," January, 1893, p. 165; also Tarbell: 

"Many and many a man deserted in the winter of 1862- 
'63 because of Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. The 



76 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

soldiers did not believe that Lincoln had the right to issue 
it. They refused to fight." 
Wendell Phillips said : 

"Lincoln acknowledged that the Emancipation Procla- 
mation was the greatest folly of his life." 
Nicolay & Hay, Vol. II, p. 261 : 

"There were great losses in the elections in consequence 
of the Emancipation Proclamation." 

Extract from Letter, September 28, 1863, from Abraham 
Lincoln to Hannibal Hamlin: 

"While I hope something from this proclamation, my 
expectations are not so sanguine as are those of some 
friends. The time for its effect southward has not come; 
but northward the effect should be instantneous. It is six 
days old and while commendation in newspapers and by 
distinguished individuals is all that a vain man could wish, 
the stocks have declined and troops come forward more 
slowly than ever. This looked squarely in the face is not 
very satisfactory. We have fewer troops in the field at the 
end of six days than we had at the beginning— the attrition 
among the old, outnumbering the addition by the new. The 
North responds to the proclamation sufficiently in breath; 
but breath alone kills no rebels. I wish I could write more 
cheerfully. ' ' 

Not a negro in the States that did not secede was freed by 
Lincoln's Proclamation and it had no effect even in the South 
as it was unconstitutional and Lincoln knew it. Many in the 
North resented it, and Lincoln was unhappy over the situation 
as Lamon testified. The negroes were freed by an amendment 
offered by a Southern man, John Brooks Henderson of Missouri. 
Emancipation did not become a law until after Lincoln's death. 
It is really a farce for negroes to celebrate Emancipation Day, 
and give Lincoln the credit. 
Did Abraham Lincoln keep his pledge? 

"On January 1, 1863, the second writing of the Emancipa- 
tion Proclamation was read. The members of the Cabinet 
noticed that the name of God was not mentioned in it, and 
reminded the President that such an important document 
should recognize the name of the Deity. Lincoln said he 
had overlooked that fact and asked the Cabinet to assist 
him in preparing a paragraph recognizing God. Chief Jus- 
tice Chase prepared it: 

'I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and 
the gracious favor of Almighty God.' 
It was accepted without a change." 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 77 

Schouler's "History of the United States/'' Vol. VI., p. 21: 

"People found in Lincoln before his death nothing re- 
markably good or great, but on the contrary found in him 
the reverse of goodness or greatness. 

"Lincoln as one of Fame's immortals does not appear in 
the Lincoln of 1861. " 

Horace Greeley said (p. 274) : 

"I cannot trust 'honest old Abe' — he is too smart for 
me." 
Judge Jeremiah S. Black of Pennsylvania said (Black's "Es- 
says/' p. 153) : 

"Of the wanton cruelties that Lincoln's administration 
has inflicted upon unoffending citizens, I have neither space 
nor skill, nor time, to paint them — since the fall of Robes- 
pierre, nothing has occurred to east such disrepute on Re- 
publican institutions." „ > 

Don Piatt's "Reminiscences of Lincoln/' p. 21: 

"Had Lincoln lived could he have justified the loss of 
more than a million lives and the destruction of more than 
eight billions of dollars of property on a Constitutional 
basis? Of course he could not, and would not have been 
considered Avorthy of the honors heaped on him because of 
his martyrdom." 

"I hear of Lincoln and read of him in eulogies and biog- 
raphies and fail to recognize the man I knew in private life 
before he became President of the United States." 

Charles Francis Adams, the Massachusetts historian, says: 

"When the Federal Constitution was adopted, in the 
case of final issue to whom did the average citizen owe al- 
legiance? Was it to the Union or to his State? 

"Sweeping aside all legal arguments and metaphysical 
disquisitions — I do not think the answer admits of doubt. 
Nine men out of ten in the North and ninety-nine out of a 
hundred in the South would have said ultimate allegiance 
was due the State. 

"How then can we justify the acts of Lincoln's adminis- 
tration ? 

"An unconstitutional platform called for an unconstitu- 
tional policy. 

"An unconstitutional policy called for an unconstitu- 
tional coercion. 

"An unconstitutional coercion called for an unconstitu- 
tional war. 



78 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

"An unconstitutional war called for an unconstitutional 
despotism. 

"Authority uncontrolled and unlimited by men, by Con- 
stitution, by Supreme Court, or by law was Lincoln's war 
policy." 

The St. Louis "Globe-Democrat," March 6, 1898: 

"Where now is the man so rash as to even warmly crit- 
icize Abraham Lincoln?" 
One adverse comment subjects one to the accusation either of 

prejudice or injustice. 

"In seeking- the truth about him, it would be most un- 
just to take only the testimony of his enemies, and it would 
be equally as unjust to take only the testimony of his 
glorifiers. Lincoln was a man as other men with weak 
points and strong points of character, and the fairest tes- 
timony ought to come from those who knew him best, loved 
him well, honored him and yet were friendly enough, truth- 
ful enough and just enough to see and acknowledge his 
faults." 
In the Preface to "The True Story of a Great Life/' written 

by Herndon and Weik after the first "Life of Lincoln," by 

Herndon had been destroyed is found this : 

"With a view of throwing light on some attributes of Mr. 
Lincoln's character hitherto obscure these volumes are given 
to the world. The whole truth concerning Mr. Lincoln 
should be known. The truth will at last come out, and no 
man need hope to evade it.. Some persons will doubtless 
object to the narrative of certain facts, but these facts are 
indispensable to a full knowledge of Mr. Lincoln. We 
must have all the facts about him. We must be prepared 
to take Mr. Lincoln as he was. Mr. Lincoln was my warm 
and personal friend. My purpose to tell the truth about 
him need occasion no apprehension. God's naked truth 
cannot injure his fame." 

Lamon's "Life of Lincoln": 

"The ceremony of Mr. Lincoln's apotheosis was planned 
and executed after his death by men who were unfriendly 
to him while he lived. Men who had exhausted the re- 
sources of their skill and ingenuity in venomous detrac- 
tions of the living Lincoln were the first after his death, 
to undertake the task of guarding his memory not as a 
human being, but as a god." 

Lamon again says : 

"There was fierce rivalry who should canonize Mr. Lin- 
coln in the most solemn words; who should compare him 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 79 

to the most sacred character in all history. He was proph- 
et, priest, and king, he was Washington, he was Moses, he 
was likened to Christ the Redeemer, he was likened unto 
God. After that came the ceremony of apotheosis. And 
this was the work of men who never spoke of the living 
Lincoln except with jeers and contempt. After his death 
it became a political necessity to pose him as 'the greatest, 
wisest, Godliest man that ever lived.' " 

Lamon : 

"Those who scorned and reviled him while living were 
Secretary of the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase; Secretary of 
War, Edwin Stanton; Vice-President, Hannibal Hamlin; 
Secretary of State, Wm. Seward, Fremont; Senators Sum- 
ner, Trumbull, Ben Wade, Henry Wilson, Thaddeus Ste- 
vens, Henry Ward Beecher, Wendell Phillips, Winter 
Davis, Horace Greeley, Zack Chandler of Michigan, and a 
host of others." 
General Don Piatt travelled with Lincoln when he was making 

his campaign speeches, hence knew him intimately. 

General Don Piatt says : 

"When a leader dies all good men go to lying about 
him. From the moment that covers his remains to the 
last echo of the rural press, in speeches, in sermonts, eulo- 
gies, reminiscences, we hear nothing but pious lies." 

General Piatt continues ; 

"Abraham Lincoln has almost disappeared from human 
knowledge. I hear of him, I read of him in eulogies and 
biographies but I fail to recognize the man I knew in life." 

General Piatt says : 

"Lincoln faced and lived through the awful responsi- 
bility of the war with a courage that came from indiffer- 
ence. ' ' 
One may say the spirit of that Gettysburg address should 
be emulated. 

Lamon says that "is not the speech Mr. Lincoln made at 
Gettysburg. ' ' 
Nicolay says "it was revised." 

Lamon says all that the biographers say of "Mr. Everett's 
commendatory words is bosh." 

Mr. Everett was disappointed in the speech and so was Mr. 
Seward. 



80 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

Lamon, in his "Recollections of Lincoln," said after the speech 
was over Lincoln said : 

"Lamon, that speech was like a wet blanket on the au- 
dience. I am distressed about it." 
On the platform, Mr. Seward asked Everett, the orator of the 
day, what lie thought of the President's speech. 
Mr. Everett replied: 

"It is not what I expected. I am disappointed. What 
do you think of it, Mr. Seward?" 

Mr. Seward replied: 

"He has made a failure." 
See (on p. 173) what Lamon says occurred after his death: 

" 'Amid the tears, sobs and cheers it produced in the 
excited throng, the orator of the day (Mr. Everett) turned 
to Mr. Lincoln, grasped his hand and exclaimed: 'I con- 
gratulate you on your success,' adding in a transport of 
heated enthusiasm, 'Mr. President, how gladly would I give 
my hundred pages to be the author of your twenty lines.' 

'•'Nothing of the kind ever occurred. I state it as a fact 
and without fear of contradiction, that this Gettysburg 
speech was not regarded as a production of extraordinary 
merit, nor was it commented on as such until after the 
death of Mr. Lincoln. 

"The fame of Lincoln concentrates its vital power upon 
his achievements in the sphere of, oratory. Above all, does 
this criterion, or test, hold good of his much-vaunted Get- 
tysburg address, delivered November 19, 1863. By one of 
those revealing ironies to which both literary and oratorical 
renown are ever subject the special phrase that has been 
most thoroughly ingrained and assimilated into the heart 
and speech of the world traces its suggestion, if not its 
specific origin, to Webster's memorable reply to Hayne 
during the historic debate of January, 1830. By ref- 
erence to Webster's argument as edited by Bradley's "Ora- 
tions and Arguments (p. 227, par. 5), the reader will dis- 
cover at a glance the very essence of the language, 'govern- 
ment of the people, by the people, and for the people,' so 
intensely associated with the memory of Lincoln. Note the 
harmony existing between the words of Webster uttered in 
1830 and those which fell from Lincoln at Gettysburg in 
November, 1863: 

" 'It is the people's government, made for the people, 
made by the people, and answerable to the people.' (Brad- 
ley, p. 227, par. 5). 

"The resemblance existing between the passages cited is 



THE TRUTHS 0,P HISTORY 81 

too minute and definite to admit of explanation as a mere 
coincidence of form or a simple analogy in the mode of ex- 
position. Even if we waive the charge of willful plagiar- 
ism, the most exuberant charity cannot ignore or condone 
the palpable and wanton imitation of the thought and dic- 
tion of Daniel Webster. ' ' 

Henry E. Shepherd, Baltimore, Md. : 

"It is now quite well known that Mr. Lincoln did not 
write the Gettysburg speech as it appears in all text books 
on American Literature which have been written by North- 
ern men, and in nearly all Readers used in Southern schools. 
His intimate friend, Lamon's testimony is corroborated by 
William Seward, Edward Everett, who sat on the stage 
with him, and others who were present when the speech 
was made. And yet Jefferson Davis the author of several 
published books is omitted from the text books of Ameri- 
can Literature written by Northern men, and Abraham 
Lincoln put in because of a speech he never wrote." 
Did Lincoln write that speech accredited to him, or was it 

doctored by one of his ardent admirers 1 

Montgomery City, Mo., The Star: , 

"It was my privilege to be present at the dedication of 
the Soldiers' National Cemetery at Gettysburg the after- 
noon of November 19, 1863, and to hear the now famous 
address of Abraham Lincoln on that occasion. I can bear 
witness to the fact that this address, pronounced by Edward 
Everett to be unequalled in the annals of oratory, fell upon 
unappreciative ears, was entirely unnoticed and wholly 
disappointing to a majority of the hearers. This may have 
been owing in part to the careless and undemonstrative 
delivery of the orator, but the fact is that he had concluded 
his address' and resumed his seat before most of the audi- 
ence realized that he had begun to speak. It was my good 
fortune as a newspaper correspondent to occupy a place 
directly beside Mr. Lincoln when he delivered this brief 
oration and on the other side of the speaker was W. H. 
Seward. Other members of the Cabinet had seats on the 
stand and I also noticed Governor Curtin, Seymour, Tod, 
Morton and Bradford; Edward Everett and Col. John 
W. Forney. 

"At the conclusion of Mr. Everett's scholarly oration, 
Mr. Lincoln faced the vast audience. He looked haggard 
and pale and wore a shabby overcoat, from an inside pock- 
et of which he drew a small roll of manuscript. He read 
his address in a sort of drawling monotone, the audience re- 
maining ' perfectly silent. The few pages were soon fin- 



82 THE TRUTHS OP HISTORY 

ished. Mr. Lincoln doubled up his manuscript, thrust it 
back into his overcoat pocket and sat down — not a word, 
not a cheer, not a shout. The people looked at one another, 
seeming to say, 'Is that all?' 

"I am well aware that accounts have differed as to the 
manner of this address and its reception by the audience. 
I was an eye witness and hearer and my position was imme- 
diately beside the speaker, therefore the foregoing account 
may be relied upon." (W. H. Cunningham, Reporter for 
The Star, Montgomery City, Mo.) 

History before his martyrdom said : 

"Lincoln detested science and literature. No man can 
put his finger on any book written in the last or present 
century that Lincoln read through. He read little." (Hern- 
don). 

Herndon, in his "Story of a Great Life," says on page 47: 

"When Abe saw that Grisby was getting the best of the 
fight, he burst through the ring, caught Grisby, threw him 
some feet distant; then stood up, proud as Lucifer, swing- 
ing a bottle of liquor over his head and swearing aloud, 'I 
am the big buck of the lick! If anybody doubts it let him 
come and whet his horns.' " 

Lamon in his "Life of Lincoln," tells the same story only 
adds that Grisby challenged him to shoot with pistols, but Lin- 
coln replied : " I am not going to fool away my life on a single 
shot." 

Lincoln should not be held up as an example for Christian 
children. 
Herndon's letter to Lamon: 

"In New Salem Mr. Lincoln lived with a class of men, 
moved with them, had his being with them. They were 
scoffers of religion, made loud protests against the follow- 
ers of Christianity. They denied that Jesus Christ was the 
Son of God. They ridiculed old divines, and made them 
skeptics by their logic. In 1835 Mr. Lincoln wrote a book 
on infidelity and intended to have it published but Hill, 
believing that if the book should be published it would kill 
Lincoln as a politician, threw it into a stove and it went up 
in smoke and ashes before Lincoln could seize it. 

"When Mr. Lincoln became a candidate for the Legisla- 
ture he was aecused of being an infidel and he never de- 
nied it. He was accused of saying Jesus was not the Son 
of God, and he never denied it. 

"In 1854 he made me erase the name of God from a speech 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 83 

1 was about to make. He did this also to one of his friends 
in "Washington City. 

' ' I know when he left Springfield for Washington he had 
undergone no change in his opinion on religion." 

Dennis Hanks, Lincoln's first cousin, says: 

"Abe would often collect a crowd of boys and men 
around him to make fun of the preacher. He frequently 
reproduced the sermon with a nasal twang, rolling his eyes, 
and all sorts of droll aggravations, to the great delight of 
the wild fellows assembled. Sometimes he broke out with 
stories passably humorous and invariably vulgar." 

Mr. Jesse E. Fall, one of Lincoln's intimate friends, says: 

"Mr. Lincoln's friends were not a little surprised at 
finding in his biographies statements of his religious opin- 
ions utterly at variance with his known sentiments." 

Again Herndon says: 

"His stepmother denied that he ever went into a corner 
to ponder sacred writings and wet the pages with his 
tears of penitence." 

Lamon, in his "Life of Lincoln," says: 

"When he went to New Salem he consorted with free 
thinkers, and joined them in deriding the gospel story of 
Jesus. He wrote a labored book on this subject, which his 
friend Hill burned up. Not until after Mr. Lincoln's death 
were any of these facts denied." 

Dennis Hanks says: 

"Abe did not sing sacred songs, but the songs he sang 
were of a very questionable character." 
On page 63 of Lamon's "Life of Lincoln" is found: 

"Abe wrote many satires which are only remembered 
in fragments; if we had them in full they would be too 
indecent to print." 
If Abraham Lincoln had believed that God's Word is in- 
spired, and had believed in the Divinity of our Lord, and had 
ever connected himself with a Christian church then he could 
be held up as a model, possibly, for Christian children to emu- 
late. But as he failed in all these essentials for a Christian's 
belief and practice it is dangerous to have our young people 
have him held up as an exemplar. 

They would feel it is not necessary to believe in God 's Word ; 
it is not necessary to believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of 
God; it is not necessary to publicly confess Him before men. 



84 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

They would naturally think if "the greatest man that ever lived 
in the world" did not find these things necessary, why should 
they? 

Holland's "Life of Lincoln" is a "Pretended Life of Lin- 
coln," written after his apotheosis begun. 

Ida Tarbell's "Life of Lincoln" was called by Herndon and 
Lamon a "So-called Life of Lincoln." 

It will not be safe for ministers of the gospel, editors of 
Christian newspapers, Sunday School teachers, public speakers 
or true historians to quote from those who deified Lincoln after 
martyrdom. 

PART II. 
Abraham Lincoln As He Was Not — (After His Assassination). 

AUTHORITY : 

Northern writers claim that Abraham Lincoln was "the great- 
est man that ever lived ; ' ' that he was ' ' the Godliest man that 
has walked the earth since Christ." 
Albert Bushnell Hart : 

"Abraham Lincoln was the greatest man of the Civil 
War Period." 

Sunday School Times: 

"Abraham Lincoln is the Christian exemplar for children 
today." 

Judd Stewart, Address, North Plainfield, N. J., Feb. 10, 1917 : 

"Here in this new world country with no pride of an- 
cestry arose the greatest man since the meek and lowly 
Nazarene; a man whose life had a greater influence on the 
human race than any teacher, thinker or toiler since the 
beginning of the Christian Era." 

P. D. Ross, an Englishman, in "Harper's Weekly," November 
7, 1908, said: 

"Abraham Lincoln is the greatest man that the world 
has ever possessed." 

Don Piatt, after Lincoln's martyrdom, says: 

"The greatest figure looming up in our history." 
Stanton, before his death, in a letter to President Buchanan, 
expressed his contempt for Lincoln. He also advised the revo- 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 85 

lutionary overthrow of the Lincoln government in order that 
McClellan be made military dictator. 

After his assassination, standing over Lincoln's dead body, 
he said, "Now he belongs to the ages." 
John Hay, Secretary of State, said (after Lincoln's death) : 

"Abraham Lincoln, First President of the Republican 
party, the greatest, wisest, Godliest man that has appeared 
on earth since Christ. ' ' 
J. G. Holland: 

"Lincoln unequalled since Washington in services to the 
Nation." 
J. G. Holland waited until after Lincoln died to say: 

"Mr. Lincoln will always be remembered as eminently a 
Christian President. Conscience, not popular applause, 
not love of power, was the ruling motive of Lincoln's life. 
No stimulant ever entered his mouth, no profanity ever 
came from his lips." 
J. G. Holland: 

"Abraham Lincoln was the first of all men who have 
walked the earth since the Nazarene. ' ' 
William M. Davidson: 

' ' Abraham Lincoln was the greatest statesmen of the 
Nineteenth Century." 
J. B. Wade: 

"History will show Abraham Lincoln to be the greatest 
man that ever lived." 
J. M. Merrill, in Detroit Free Press, says : 

"Abraham Lincoln is so far above every other man in 
human history that to compare him to others seems sac- 
sacrilege. 

"No where on the earth is there a historic character to 
compare to our sainted martyr, Abraham Lincoln. 
If this adulation of him was taken from what was said of him 
before his martyrdom the South would be willing to accept it — 
but the South is not willing to accept what has been said of him 
since that period, for it does not tally with his life as given by 
his friends and those who knew him best. Herndon, his friend 
and law partner for twenty years; Lamon, an intimate friend 
and one who often acted as private secretary to him; his step- 
mother, whom he idolized ; Dennis Hanks, his cousin and play- 
mate—all of these loved him, but were honest, saw his faults 
and were willing to acknowledge them. 



86 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

Testimony such as: John Hay, his Secretary of State Nico- 
lay, a personal friend, Ida Tarbell and J. G. Holland, who put 
him on a pedestal, worshipped him and were blind to his faults, 
should not be held as reliable. 

Walter McElreath, after reading Rothschild's "Lincoln: 
Master of Men": 

"Mr. Lincoln was not an ordinary man we all agree, 
but greatness is a relative term and considering the oppor- 
tunities and responsibilities and station which Mr. Lincoln 
occupied he must be judged by the standards of greatness 
by which other great men are judged. Judging him by 
these standards I cannot see how Mr. Lincoln was at all a 
great man or how he can be said to possess even the second 
order of greatness. 

"How can a man be considered great when the men as- 
sociated with him four years in such an enterprise as civil 
war were not impressed with his greatness until the enter- 
prise was over, is more than I can understand. 

"McClellan had known him years before the war and was 
not impressed with his greatness. Chase, Seward and Stan- 
ton never thought him a great man until after his death. 
It is strange that such men living close to him for four years 
could, not recognize in him some signs of greatness while 
he lived. I cannot see anything great in his choice of men 
or generals. His ministers were chosen to remove them 
from opposition to the administration. He held the power 
to depose—his mastery over men came from his power to 
exercise unlimited authority." 

Jas. A. Stevens: 

"Mr. Lincoln was a great man and a patriot, yet there 
is no doubt his cruel taking off had not a little to do with 
his exaltation to the position he now occupies in the eyes 
of a sympathetic world." 

Dr. Littlefield, Needham, Mass.: 

"Lee's shrine at Lexington, not Lincoln's tomb, will be 
the shrine of American patriotism when once history is 
told correctly." 



• XV. 
Reconstruction Was Not Just to the South. This Injustice 
Made the Ku Klux Klan a Necessity. 
AUTHORITY: 
Ridpath's "Universal History," p. 176: 

"It was soon seen, however, by Congress and the North, 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 87 

to follow the method suggested by President Johnson would 
be to remand at once the control of the lately seceded States 
into the hand of the old Confederate party. Right or 
wrong, it was determined that this should not be done, and 
Congress determined that the military and suppressive 
method of governing the seceded States should be em-, 
ployed." 
Muzzey's "American History," p. 486: 

"The rules of these negro governments of 1868 was an 
indescribable orgy of extravagance, fraud and disgusting 
incompetence — a travesty on government. Unprincipled* 
politicians dominated the States' government and plunged 
the States further and further into debt by voting them- 
selves enormous salaries, and reaping in many ways hun- 
dreds of thousands of dollars in graft. In South Carolina 
$200,000 were spent in furnishing the State Capitol with 
costly plate glass mirrors, lounges, arm chairs, a free bar 
and other luxurious appointments for the use of the negro 
and scalawag legislators. It took the South nine years to 
get rid of these governments." 

Mark Twain said: 

"The eight years in America, 1860-1868, uprooted insti- 
tutions centuries old, and wrought so profoundly upon the 
national character of the people that its influence will be 
felt for two or three generations." 

"Secret Political Societies in the South,/' by Walter Henry 
Cook, Cleveland, Ohio, Western Reserve University : 

' ' A new economic system could have been built up by the 
men and women of the South with freed slaves had they 
been left alone. The policy of Thad Stevens and Charles 
Sumner after Lincoln's death stirred up ex-slaves to hate 
the white men of the South, especially when they preached 
a gospel of social equality for which the men of the South 
would not stand under any circumstances." 
The next quotation is from Dan Vorhees, Representative for 

many years, and later a United States Senator from Indiana. 

In his speech, "Plunder of Eleven States," made in the House 

of Representatives, March 23, 1872, he pictures well the animus 

of Reconstruction. He said : 

"From turret to foundation you tore down the govern- 
ment of eleven States. You left not one stone upon another. 
You not only destroyed their local laws, but you trampled 
upon their ruins. You called conventions to frame new 
Constitutions for these old States. You not only said who 
should be elected to rule over these States, but you said 



8S THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

who should elect them. You fixed the quality and the color 
of the voters. You purged the ballot box of intelligence 
and virtue, and in their stead you placed the most ignorant 
and unqualified race in the world to rule over these peo- 
ple." 

Then taking State by State he showed what Thad Stevens' 
policy had done : 

"Let the great State of Georgia speak first," he said. 
"You permitted her to stand up and start in her new ca- 
reer, but seeing some flaw in your handiwork, you again 
destroyed and again reconstructed her State government. 
You clung to her throat ; you battered her features out of 
shape and recognition, determined that your party should 
have undisputed possession and enjoyment of her offices, 
her honors, and her substance. Then bound hand and foot 
you handed her over to the rapacity of robbers. Her pro- 
lific and unbounded resources inflamed their desires. 

"In 1861 Georgia was free from debt. Taxes were light 
as air. The burdens of government were easy upon her 
citizens. Her credit stood high, and when the war closed 
she was still free from indebtedness. After six years of 
Republican rule you present her, to the horror of the world, 
loaded with a debt of $50,000,000, and the crime against 
Georgia is the crime this same party has committed against 
the other Southern States. Your work of destruction was 
more fatal than a scourge of pestilence, war or famine. 

"Kufus B. Bullock, Governor of Georgia, dictated the 
legislation of Congress, and the great commonwealth of 
Georgia was cursed by his presence. "With such a Gov- 
ernor, and such a legislature in perfect harmony, morally 
and politically, their career will go down to posterity with- 
out a rival for infamous administrations of the world. That 
Governor served three years and then absconded with all 
of the gains. The Legislature of two years spent $100,000 
more than had been spent during any eight previous years. 
They even put the children's money, laid aside for educa- 
tion of white and black, into their own pockets." 

"When Senator Voorhees came to South Carolina, the proud 
land of Marion and Sumter, his indignation seems to have 
reached its pinnacle: 

"There is no form of ruin to which she has not fallen a 
prey, no curse with which she has not been baptized, no cup 
of humiliation and suffering her people have not drained 
to the dregs. There she stands the result of your handi- 
work, bankrupt in money, ruined in credit, her bonds 
hawked about the streets at ten cents on the dollar, her 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY S9 

■ 

prosperity blighted at home and abroad, without peace, 
happiness, or hope. There she stands with her skeleton 
frame admonishing all the world of the loathsome conse- 
quences of a government fashioned in hate and fanaticism, 
and founded upon the ignorant and vicious classes of man- 
hood. Her sins may have been many and deep, and the 
color of scarlet, yet they will become as white as snow in 
comparison with those .you have committed against her in 
the hour of her helplessness and distress." 

Then he took up in like manner State after State, and wound 
up with this: 

"I challenge the darkest annals of the human race for a 
parallel to the robberies which have been perpetrated on 
these eleven American States. Had you sown seeds of kind- 
ness and good will they would long ere this have blossomed 
into prosperity and peace. Had you sown seeds of honor, 
you would have reaped a golden harvest of contentment 
and obedience. Had you extended your charities and your 
justice to a distressed people you would have awakened a 
grateful affection in return. But as you planted in hate 
and nurtured in corruption so have been the fruits which 
you have gathered." 

Quoting again from Walter Henry Cook in regard to Recon- 
struction graft: 

"Governor Warmouth of Louisiana accumulated one and 
a half million in four years on a salary of $8,000 a year. 
Governor Moses of South Carolina acknowledged that he 
had accepted $65,000 in bribes. Governor Clayton of 
Arkansas said he intended to people the State with negroes. 
The carpetbag government of Florida stole meat and flour 
given for helpless women and children. In North Caro- 
lina and Alabama negro convicts were made justices of the 
peace, men who were unable to read or write. In the South 
Carolina Legislature 94 black men were .members. The 
Speaker of the House, the Clerk of the House, the door- 
keeper, the chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, 
and the Chaplain, were all black men and some of them 
could neither read nor Avrite." 

The next is an extract from The Chicago Chronicle, written by 
a Northern man : 

"The Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution grew 
out of a spirit of revenge, for the purpose of punishing the 
Southern people. It became a part of the Constitution by 
fraud and force to secure the results of war. The war was 
not fought to secure negro suffrage. 



9 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

"The history of the world may be searched in vain for a 
parallel to the spirit of savagery which it inflicted upon a 
defeated and impoverished people, the unspeakable bar- 
barous rule of a servile race just liberated from bondage. 
Negro suffrage was a crime against the white people of the 
South. It was a crime against the blacks of the South. It 
was a crime against the whole citizenship of the Republic. 
Political power was never conferred upon a race so poorly 
equipped to receive it." 

Now a last quotation from Charles Francis Adams, the grand- 
son of John Quincy Adams : 

"I have ever been one of those who have thought ex- 
tremely severe measures were dealt the Southern people 
after the Civil War, measures of unprecedented severity. 
The Southern community was not only desolated during the 
war but $3,000,000,000 of property confiscated after the 
war. I am not aware that history records a similar act 
super-added to the destruction and desolation of war." 
Again : 

" Their manumitted slaves belonging to an inferior and 
alien race, were enfranchised and put in control of the 
whole administration. Is there a similar case recorded in 
history? If so I have never heard of it. It was simply a 
case of insane procedure, and naturally resulted in dis- 
aster. We stabbed the South to the quick, and during all 
the years of Reconstruction turned the dagger round and 
round in the festering wound. If the South had been per- 
mitted to secede, slavery would have died a natural death." 

The United States government is the only government that 
ever freed her slaves without giving just compensation for them. 
Dr. Wyeth in his "With Sabre and Scalpel," published by 
Harper & Brothers, New York, says : 

"None but those who went through this period have any 
conception of it. Defeat on battlefield brought no dishonor, 
but all manner of oppressions, with poverty and enforced 
domination of a race lately in slavery brought humiliation 
and required a courage little less than superhuman." 

Abraham Lincoln advocated paying the South for her slaves: 

"The slaves taken from the South by arms should be 
paid for." 
Lincoln was right. God has never allowed a nation to pros- 
per where a known wrong is kept unrighted. 
"Secret Political Societies in the South During the Period of 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 91 

Reconstruction," Walter Henry Cook; Western Reserve Uni- 
versity, Cleveland, Ohio: 

"The Ku Klux accomplished much. From a poliiteal 
viewpoint it secured home rule for several of the Southern 
States; it ended the disgraceful rule of the carpetbaggers 
therein; and it helped to re-establish honest and efficient 
governmental institutions. This example was an inspira- 
tion which after 1872 soon led the men of the Southern 
States still in Radical control to a glorious victory in re- 
gaining self-government. From an economic standpoint, 
the negroes had been frightened into going to work, and 
were prevented, to a large extent, from breaking labor con- 
tracts. These were important services in the rehabilitation 
of the South. From a social standpoint the Klan had pro- 
tected property, had protected life, and had brought order 
out of chaos." 

Mrs. Rose's ''History of the Ku Klux Klan," Historian-Gen- 
eral, U. D. C: 

"The Ku Klux were opposed to the shedding of human 
blood, and violence was never used except as a last resort. 
Repeated warnings were given to offenders^ and it was only 
when they were not heeded that the Ku Klux resorted to 
extreme measures. 

"The methods of the Ku Klux Klan were generally peace- 
ful and without destruction of life and property, and 
when its objects had been accomplished there was no per- 
secution, nor pillaging, nor hounding of any one— and 
when tranquility was restored to the land, the Ku Klux 
folded their tents like the Arabs, and as silently stole away." 

XVI. 
Race Prejudice Is Stronger in the North Than in the South. 

Before the Sixties, lynchings of negroes in the South were 
of very rare occurrence — there was no occasion for it — we had 
no incendiary literature distributed among the negroes until 
John Brown tried it and failed. The incendiary literature is 
now largely responsible for present day conditions. 

The South is the negro's friend. The South wants the negro 
to stay in the South. The South has not encouraged immigra- 
tion from the Latin States for fear of race antagonism. All 
that the South asks is to be let alone in her management of the 
negro, so that the friendly relations may continue. 



92 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

The Southern people encourage the negroes to buy land and 
have their own homes. The climate of the South suits the negro 
best — the South is his logical home. 

The South claims that race prejudice has been, and now is, 
far greater in the North than in the South. 

In his "Democracy in America/' De Tocqueville, the French 
writer, says: 

"Though the electoral franchise has been conferred on 
the negroes in all the free States, if they come forward to 
vote their lives are in danger. Negroes may serve by law on 
juries but prejudice repels them from office. They have 
separate schools, separate hospital wards, and separate gal- 
leries in the theatres. In the South it is quite different 
with the negro. Undoubtedly, the prejudice of the race 
appears to be stronger in the States that have abolished 
slaves than in the States where slavery still exists. 

"White carpenters, white bricklayers and white painters 
will not work side by side with the blacks in the North but 
do it in almost every Southern State unless Northern men 
among their workmen oppose it. But in the South white 
men do not sit down to eat with black men as they do in 
many parts of the North." 

Negroes left their homes in Alabama to work in Illinois, but 
many were killed and others driven from the State. Were the 
murderers of those negroes ever brought to trial? 

One Republican said : 

"If any more negroes come to Illinois, I will meet them 
on the border with gatling-guns ! " 

Mr. Seward, March 3, 1858, said: 

"The white man needs this continent to labor in and 
must have it. ' ' 

The Legislature of Kansas, the home of John Brown, said : 
"This State is for whites only." 

In 1850, 1855 and 1865, Michigan refused suffrage to free 
negroes. 

In 1864 no negro could vote in Nevada. 

"In Illinois (Lincoln's State) "no negro nor mulatto was 
allowed to remain in the State ten days. 

"If a negro came into the State he was to be sold at auc- 
tion." 

In twenty-seven counties of Indiana no negro was allowed to 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 93 

live. If any white man encouraged him to come to the State 
he was fined. 

In Boston the negroes are segregated. 

In Ohio the negroes were warned if they did not segregate 
some dire calamity would befall them. 

In New York City and Washington City this question of 
segregation is of serious import today and under constant dis- 
cussion. 

No negro can live in Oregon. 

Muzzey's "American History": 

% "Ohio, in 1867, at the very time that Congress was forc- 
ing negro suffrage on the South, rejected by 50,000 votes 
to give the ballot to the few negroes in that State." 

Lunt's "Origin of the Late War": 

"The negroes were perfectly happy in their condition of 
slavery in the South — they were not only happy but proud 
of it. They labored it is true for their daily bread, but 
they were nursed in sickness, and cared for in old age. 
Upon certain conditions they could obtain freedom. Free- 
dom was frequently granted for faithful services." 

The South never understood why the abolitionists made a 
bitter fight against slavery under humane Christian masters in 
the South and no fight at all against the slave trade in the 
North. If cruelty to Africans was really their object in fight- 
ing slavery, the slave ships where they were huddled together 
standing during the long voyage offered the best objects of 
attack. 

As to the condition of the slaves in the South under the in- 
stitution of slavery, Major-General Quitman, of New York, an 
army officer who was stationed near a Mississippi plantation be- 
fore the war, says in a letter to his father : 

"'Every night she has family prayers with her slaves. 
When a minister comes, which is very frequently, prayers 
are said night and morning, and chairs are always provid- 
ed for the servants. 

"They are married by a clergyman of their own cjlor, 
and a sumptuous supper is always prepared. They are a 
happy, careless, unreflecting, good-natured race — who left 
to themselves would degenerate into drones or brutes. They 
have great family pride and are -the most arrant aristo- 
crats in the world." ("The Secession War in America," 
by J. P. Shaffull, published in New York, 1862). 



94 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

"Are the white slaves today — those in the industrial 
bondage — as well cared for as were the black slaves before 
the civil war? Is the industrial slave as well fed, as well 
clothed, as well housed as these slaves were by their mas- 
ters? 

"Are the industrial slaves that work in the mills and 
mines and sweat shops of today as well cared for as were 
the slaves of the South that worked in the fields?" (Cop- 
ied from an editorial in Pittsburg (Pa.) Daily). 

It was suggested that the negroes be put into the Confederate 
army with a promise of freedom when the war ended. The 
North felt assured that the negroes would never fight for the 
South. 

Dr. Hancock, in the Richmond Hospital, put them to the 
test. Out of seventy-two approached on the subject sixty said: 

"Yes, they would gladly go to protect their master's 
families and would fight the enemy to the bitter end." 
{"War of Rebellion" Series IV., Vol. II., p. 1193). 

"Boston Herald/' September 12, 1919: 

"Feeling against William Lloyd Garrison and other 
abolitionists ran high in this city in 1851, but it was in 
New York that the home of a prominent citizen was sacked, 
it was in Philadelphia that a public hall was burned by a 
mob in the presence of the mayor and the police. 

"Harrison Gray Otis, in Faneuil Hall, denounced the 
English anti-slavery orator, George Thompson, as hired by 
British gold to destroy the Union. 

"At a gathering in the building that housed 'The Lib- 
erator,' a mob caught Garrison, tied a rope about his neck 
to drag him through the streets. 

"A body of colored men at another time took Shadrack, 
the colored waiter at the Coffee House from the officers 
of the law, and sent him away to Canada. 

"When Thomas Sims was sent back to slavery the Court 
House was surrounded with breast-high chains by the Unit- 
ed States Marshal, so that the judges, and all others hav- 
ing business in the building were obliged to stoop in order 
to reach the doors, and that day seems mild to the mobs in 
Boston today." 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 95 

XVII. 

The South Was More Interested in the Freedom of the Slaves 
Than the North. 

In 1816, "The African Colonization Society" was organized 
with James Madison, a slaveholder, as president. Thomas Jef- 
ferson, a slaveholder, testifies that slaveholders were planning to 
free their slaves. 

When James Monroe hecame President he secured a tract of 
land about the size of Mississippi on the West coast of Africa, 
named Liberia, and its capital was called Monrovia to honor 
him, and to this the slaves as freed were to be sent. In 1847 it 
became a Republic with only negroes as officers. Then it was 
protected from many encroachments of European monarchies 
by the Monroe Doctrine. It was Southern statesmen and slave- 
holders who were most interested in this, although Northern 
philanthropists greatly aided by moral and material support. 

Charles Francis Adams, Jr., the historian, realized this and 

said : 

"Had the South been allowed to manage this question 
unfettered the slaves would have been — ere this — fully 
emancipated and that without bloodshed or race problems." 
Again, the fact stands that Thomas Jefferson, a large slave- 
holder, when Virginia ceded her Northwest Territory, made it a 
condition that slavery should not be allowed in it, and no one 
from the South objected. 

A committee of five Virginians— Jefferson, Pendleton, Wythe, 
Mason and Thomas Lee— was appointed to rpise the laws and 
prepare all slaveholders in the State for the gradual emanci- 
pation of their slaves. This law said : 

"All children born after the passage of the Act should be 
free, but must remain with their mothers until old enough 
to be self -supporting. " 
Thirty-two times Virginia legislated against slavery. 
Thomas Jefferson urged that all slaveholders free their slaves 
by gradual emancipation as soon as possible, for by the Mis- 
souri Compromise, where a State's right was interfered with by 
other States, he saw plainly that the day might come when sud- 
den emancipation would take place, and he said "human nature 
shudders at the prospect of it," but he thanked God he would 
not be alive to see it. 



96 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

George Washington urged the gradual emancipation of his 
slaves and freed them by his will, and told Thomas Jefferson he 
wished all slaves could be freed. 

George Mason believed in emancipation of his slaves and 
freed them. 

John Randolph, of Roanoke, freed his slaves and bought ter- 
ritory in Ohio to place them. 

Henry Clay urged the gradual emancipation of the slaves. 

General Lee and his mother believed in gradual emancipation, 
and practiced it and so did many slaveholders at the South. 
Hundreds of thousands of slaves had been freed in the South 
before 1820. 

Congressional Records : 

"Jefferson Davis when in the United States Senate, urged 
that a plan be made for emancipation that would be best 
for the slaveholders and the slave. This was why South- 
ern men were so insistent about securing more slave terri- 
tory to relieve the congested condition of the slave States 
that they might prepare the slaves as freed for their future 
government. ' ' 

Abraham Lincoln said: 

"Gradual emancipation was the best plan, and the North 
should not criticize too severely the Southern brethren for 
tardiness in this matter." 

"The Abolition Crusade which began at the time of the 
Missouri Compromise in 1820, and which reached an in- 
tense pitch in 1839, caused Southern men to withdraw mem- 
bership in abolition societies." 

The South claims Northern slaveholders were more anxious 
to hold their slaves than were the slaveholders of the South. 

"In 1860 there were only 3,950,531 slaves in the South 
and many wills had been written freeing them by gradual 
emancipation. Many of the slaves in the South before the 
war belonged to Northern slaveholders. Girard, of Phila- 
delphia, worked his slaves on a large sugar plantation in 
Louisiana. It was from the profits of this plantation Girard 
College was built, Hemmingway, of Boston, had his slaves 
on a plantation — not in the Southern States, but in Cuba 
— and his will left them to his daughter as late as 1870." 

Richardson's "Defense of the South," p. 20: 

"Thomas Elkins, of Effingham County, Georgia, before 
1860, offered to free his slaves and send them back to 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 9 7 

Africa at his own expense and the slaves begged to let them 
remain with him. Among these slaves were the sons of 
African kings and princes." 
Lundy's "Universal Emancipation'': 

"There were before the Missouri Compromise, 1820, 
106 anti-slavery societies — with 5,150 members in the South 
and 24 abolition societies in the North with only 920 mem- 
bers." 
In 1831, Virginia wanted a bill passed for gradual emanci- 
pation of the slaves and it was lost by one vote — that of the 
chairman. Virginia made 23 attempts to legislate about freeing 
the slaves and abolishing the slave trade. When 61 women and 
children were murdered by Nat Turner's insurrection at South- 
hampton, Va., the abolition societies in the South disbanded. 
The only colony to forbid slaves was Georgia. 
The first State to legislate against the slave trade was Georgia. 
The first bill to allow a slaveholder to free his slaves was of- 
fered by Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia. 

Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, urged in the Declaration of 
Independence that the slave trade be forbidden. John Adams, 
of Massachusetts, urged that clause be omitted. 

The only State that made it a felony to buy a slave was Vir- 
ginia. 

Thomas Jefferson insisted that Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, Mich- 
igan, and Wisconsin should not be slave states — and yet Vir- 
ginia, a slave State, gave this territory. 

A committee was appointed to draw up these resolutions to 
present to the Massachusetts Legislature when sectional feel- 
ing was at its height. They calmly and deliberately weighed 
the arguments on the side of slaveholders, and then as calmly 
and deliberately weighed those on the sicle of the abolitionists. 
Then they came to a conclusion — they said : 

"Nothing which is not founded upon the eternal princi- 
ples of- truth and justice can ever long prevail against an 
irresistible force of public disapprobation. Your commit- 
tee feel that the conduct of the abolitionists is not only 
wrong in policy but erroneous in morals. 

"Your committee are determined to fulfill their duty to 
the State and to our common country in the most firm and 
faithful manner. In remembering that while they are men 
of Massachusetts, they are incapable of meanly forgetting 
that they also are Americans." (George Lunt, Chairman). 



98 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

In "The Sectional Controversy," (published in 1864 when 
the author, W. C. Fowler, was a member of the Connecticut 
Legislature) the author says that fifteen or twenty years earlier, 
when a prominent member of Congress who afterward became a 
member of a Presidential Cabinet was coming out from a heated 
sectional debate, he was asked by the writer, an old college 
friend : 

"Will you tell me what is the real reason why Northern 
men encourage those petitions (for the abolition of slav- 
ery) ?" 
The reply was: 

"The real reason is that the South will not let us have a 
tariff, and we touch them where they will feel it." 

In this same work Mr. Fowler repeats a statement made in 
1859 by Salmon P. Chase, a native of New England, who was 
then the Governor of Ohio, and after serving in Lincoln's Cab- 
inet was appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Talk- 
ing to W. D. Chadwick Glover, he said : 

"I do not wish to have the slave emancipated because I 
love him, but because I hate his master." 

' ' When John Brown came into Virginia to ' free the slaves 
by the authority of God Almighty, ' Governor John A. An- 
drews, of Massachusetts, was one of his chief supporters, the 
hope of the Massachusetts abolitionists being that the ap- 
pearance of Brown and his little band would excite the 
slaves to rise up and murder the white people. But in Sep- 
tember, 1862, when General Dix proposed to remove a num- 
ber of escaped slaves from Fortress Monroe to Massachus- 
etts, this Governor objected, saying: 'I do not concur in any 
w 7 ay or to any degree to the plan proposed. Permit me to 
say that the Northern States are of all places the worst pos- 
sible to select for an asylum for negroes." 

In Rice's "Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln," General Don 
Piatt who canvassed a part of Illinois for Mr. Lincoln in 1860 
and spent some time in the company of the President-elect, says : 

"He knew and saw clearly that the free States had not 
only no sympathy with the abolition of slavery but held 
fanatics, as abolitionists were called, in utter abhorrence." 

And in another place he says: 

"Descended from the poor whites of a slave State through 
many generations, Lincoln inherited the contempt, if not 
the hatred, held by that class for the negro And he 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 99 

could no more feel a sympathy for that wretched race than 
he could for the horse he worked or the hog he killed." 
And to all this it is interesting to add the views of John Sher- 
man, the brother of the famous William Tecumseh. On April 
2, 1862, he said in the Senate : 

"We do not like the negroes. We do not disguise our 

dislike. As my friend from Indiana (Mr. Wright) said 

yesterday: 'The whole people of the Northwestern States 

are opposed to having many negroes among them and that 

principle or prejudice has been engraved in the legislation 

fo nearly all of the Northwestern States.' ' 

And let it not be forgotten that the Northwestern States at 

that time were inhabited mainly by people who had emigrated, 

or those whose ancestors had emigrated, from Northern States, 

most of them perhaps from New England. 

It may be difficult, therefore, for honest seekers after truth 
to understand what Northern- writers mean by "the moral 
awakening of the North" and the "dictatorial policy of the 

South." 

Slavery would not have continued in the South had the 
Confederacy succeeded. The supremacy of the white man would 
have been preserved and the distinction of the races main- 
tained. 

Thomas Jefferson called the slave trade "Piratical warfare, ' 
the opprobium of infidel powers," "a calamity of most alarming 

nature. ' ' 

The House of Burgesses in Virginia resolved to purchase no 
slaves that had not been in the country twelve months, under 
a penalty of $5,000 to the one who sold a slave and $2,500 for 
the buyer of a slave. This was to discourage the slave trade. 

Did Massachusetts and other New England or Eastern States 
free their slaves or sell them ? 

The chief cause of race riots today is the incendiary news- 
papers published by the negroes in Chicago, New York, Omaha, 
Washington City and other places. Suppress these newspapers 
and arrest the editors and race riots will cease. The South 
knows the negro better than the North and better than the 
negro, born free, and raised in the North. 

When such abuse comes from the North about lynching and 
crimes in the South, is it not radically unfair to bring the 
charges upon violation of mob law in Georgia— and I am not 



100 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

defending mob law, I think it awful wherever found — when 
they never seem to realize that the home of mob law was in New 
England and other Northern States? 

Was not Garrison dragged by a mob in the streets of Boston? 
Did not New Englanders mob officers of the National govern- 
ment for trying to enforce the law? This was never heard of 
in the South. 

Was not Lovejojr put to death by a mob in Illinois? 
Did not the New Yorkers massacre men, women and children 
and burn nineteen negroes? 

Was not Philadelphia the home of mobs at one time? 
The Fugitive Slave Law was nullified when in 1851 a negro, 
Shadrack, was rescued from a United States Marshal by a mob 
in Boston, consisting of some of the very best citizens. 

Did not a mob burn an orphanage in Philadelphia and kill 
women and children? 

Was not a negro chained and burned at Wilmington, Dela- 
ware ? 

Was not a negro hanged by a mob before the court-house 
door at Urbana, Ohio ? 

Did not a mob with dynamite bombs defy the police in Chi- 
cago and not one offender brought to justice? This never hap- 
pened in the South. 

Will those newspapers so unjust to Georgia, and to the South 
as a whole, look into those mobs at Akron and Springfield, 
Ohio; Danville and Springfield, Illinois; Evansville and Eock- 
port, Indiana ; and Coatsville, Pennsylvania, and in States much 
nearer to them than Georgia? Will they not inquire into sta- 
tistics and truthfully find out, if they are honest enough to 
admit it, that there have been more mobs proportionately to 
negro population in the North than in the South? 

Freedom of Slaves. 

George Lunt : 

"We have taken counsel of our fears and have imposed 
upon ourselves another burden, likely to prove intolerable 
in the end by the enforced discharge from restraint 3.000,- 
000 or 4,000,000 helpless, irresponsible creatures, hitherto 
entirely dependent upon others and incapable by nature, of 
the independent action demanded by a civilized community. 

"If, then, we should now complete this notable work by 
conferring upon these negroes a nominal equality, and ask 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 101 

them to enter upon the exercise of privileges and powers to 
which they are and must remain forever incompetent, we 
shall show ourselves also most unworthy and incapable of 
self-government of the understanding, and not of passion 
or sentiment." 

George Lunt : 

"However general was the dislike of slavery in the free 
States, yet the abolitionists proper had only here and there 
a local society consisting of a handful of zealous, but wrong- 
headed men and women of the class more recently known 
as strong-minded. They met in obscure apartments, and 
attracted scarcely any public attention ; or if brought^ to 
notice by accident, were the objects of only popular ridi- 
cule and contempt. The general public mind was entirely 
settled in regard to the uselessness, as well as the unlaw- 
fulness of interference with slavery in the States, hence no 
mode of action was left to the abolitionists, except by oc- 
casional memorials to Congress upon indirect points af- 
fecting the question, or through their few unregarded pub- 
lications which were read by nobody but themselves." 

George Lunt, Appendix, p. 31 : 

"Later, Mr. Garrison, a leader among the abolitionists, 
was let down by a back window, and attempted to conceal 
himself, but was hunted, down by a mob, rescued from the 
hands of officers of the law and placed in the common prison. 
He said, 'Never before was a man so glad to get into a 
jail.'" 
George Lunt says (pp. 328, 330) : 

' ' So intense was the feeling on the part of such abolition- 
ists as John Brown, that one of them actually presented 
in the House of Representatives a plan 'to teach the slaves 
to burn their masters' buildings, to kill all of their cattle, 
and hogs, and to conceal all farming utensils and abandon 
labor in seedtime and harvest so that all crops should per- 
ish,' and he goes on to say, 'such open and armed aggression 
on the part of John Brown betokened predetermined en- 
mity in one part of the Union against another part; an 
overt act of hostility towards the government, in the peace 
of which only could the Union stand secure, and it was un- 
doubtedly the signal and forerunner of war.' ' 

The picture of John Brown on the way to execution, now 
hanging on the walls of the Metropolitan Art Gallery in New 
York, representing a negro woman holding her baby to be kiss- 
ed by him is false to history. The physician attending him tes- 



102 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

tified there was not a negro to be seen on the streets of Harper's 

Ferry that day. 

Barnes' "Popular History," p. 478: 

"On the way to the gallows, he stopped to kiss a little 
slave child." 
The John Brown Raid and his attempt to rouse the negroes of 
the South to murder, insurrection and arson was punished by 
the death of John Brown and his accomplices by the State of 
Virginia and Congress said not a word, and the testimony of 
sane men at the North condemned the fanaticism of the insane. 
The South felt that the North was 'encouraging an interference 
with their slave affairs. 

Edward Everett, in Fanueil Hall, said: 

"John Brown's Raid was designed to let loose the hell 
hounds of a servile insurrection, and to bring on a struggle 
which for magnitude, atrocity and horror, would have stood 
alone in the history of the world." 

Judge Black, of Pennsylvania, said : 

"The abolitionists applauded John Brown to the echo 
for a series of the basest murders on record." 

The South never could understand how Emerson should say 
of one they regarded as a horse thief, a murderer, an advocate 
of insurrection, that his body was "as glorious as the Cross of 
Christ." 
Albert Bushnell Hart: 

"His courage impressed even his jailers; and the aboli- 
tionists and many others saw something heroic in a man 
thus risking his life for the lowly. ' ' 

Call Brown An Assassin. 

Kansas Legislators Bitterly Assailed Osawatomie Man. 

"Topeka, March 4. — J. W. Brown, representative from 
Butler County, set the Kansas House by the ears today by 
an attack on John Brown, when the bill appropriating 
$2,800 to preserve the John Brown cabin at Osawatomie 
and keep up the park surrounding it came up for passage. 

"The bill was passed by the Senate several days ago and 
was up for final passage in the House. The bill was passed 
by a good vote, the Democrats generally voting against it. 
When Brown, who is a Democrat, was called, he voted 
'no' and offered the following explanation of his vote: 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 103 



11 i 



'If John Brown had consummated his insurrection 
started at Harper's Ferry I probably would have died in 
my youth. John Brown was never in a proper sense a res- 
ident of Kansas, nor was he 'Osawatomie Brown.' That 
appellation in early years having been applied to 0. C. 
Brown, who founded the town of Osawatomie and gave it 
its name. He never engaged in any legitimate business_ or 
employment while here, nor did he aid any way in the im- 
provement or development of the country. With the in- 
stincts of an anarchist and the hand of an assassin, his ca- 
reer in Kansas was one of lawlessness and crime — the one 
indelible blot on the otherwise fair free State record. No 
Kansan desires to appropriate money to perpetuate the 
name of a Booth, a Guiteau or a Czolgosz. Neither will I 
consent to exalt the name of the first anarchist and rebel 
this country produced.' " 
J. J. Veath, of Washington County, a Republican, also took 
a slap at the Kansas hero. He voted against the bill and offered 
the following explanation of his vote : 

"I am a Republican and I was a soldier for four years 
in the Union Army. I admire a brave man who with sword 
in hand will lead his men through shot and shell to the 
cannon's mouth but I despise a sneak and a bushwhacker. 
"John Brown allowed his men to sharpen their swords 
. and kill five unarmed men by cutting them to pieces in the 
presence of their wives and children, and therefore he was 
guilty of murder. 

"I will not by my vote appropriate a single dollar to 
• honor the memory of a man whom I believe a murderer. 

I therefore vote 'no.' " 
As soon as the roll call was completed, Davis of Kiowa, moved 
that the attacks be expunged from the record, but the motion 
failed and the attacks stand. 

(See also John Brown, of Ossawatomie, by Hill Peebles Wil- 
son, edition of 1913). 



104 THE TRUTHS O^ HISTORY 

WHY THE SOUTH DEMANDS CORRECTED TEXT 

BOOKS: 

First : 

Because history as now written will condemn the South 
to infamy. 

Second : 

Because the reference books now in the public libraries 
will condemn the South to infamy. 
Third : 

As long as these falsehoods remain within reach of the 
student all teaching to the contrary will be in vain. 
Fourth : 

Because the omissipns now in history do the South greater 
injustice than the commissions of history. (See pp. 112, 
113). 



THE SOUTH AS REPRESENTED IN HISTORY AND 
LITERATURE TODAY. 
Davidson's History says: 

"The Jamestown Colonists were vicious idlers and jail 
birds picked up on the streets of London. 

"Side by side the two civilizations had grown up in Amer- 
ica — the one dedicated to progress had kept up with the 
spirit of the age — the other a landed aristocracy ' with 
slavery as the chief excuse for its existence." 

Montgomery's History says: 

"Georgia was settled by filthy, ragged, dirty prisoners 
taken from the "Debtors Prison" by Oglethorpe." 

The British Encyclopedia says: 

"North Carolina was a refuge for the lawless and ad- 
venturous. ' ' 

"The immigration to Virginia consisted of boys and girls 
seized in the streets of London and shipped as felons." 

New Twentieth Century Edition of Encyclopedia Britan- 
nica, page 360, American Literature : 

"Like the Spartan marshaling his helots, the Southern 
planter lounging among his slaves was made dead to art by 
a paralyzing sense known as his own superiority." 

"In the world of letters, at least, the Southern States 
shone by reflected light." 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 105 

"Since the Revolution the few thinkers born South of 
Mason and Dixon line— outnumbered by those belonging 
to the single State of Massachusetts— have migrated to New 
York or Boston for a university training." 

"If the negroes were good for food, the probability is that 
the power of destroying their lives would be enjoyed by 
their Southern owners as fully as it is over the lives of 
their cattle. 

"Negroes are looked on only as brutes! They are fed or 
kept hungry ; clothed or kept naked, beaten and turned out 
to the fury of the elements, with as little remorse as if they 
were beasts of the field." — Pelham Papers. 

Lodge's "History of the Early Colonies": 

1 ' The life of the Southern women was very monotonous — 
they had few advantages, and were unequal to any refined 
conversation. They were fond of dancing but showed great 
want of taste or elegance and seldom appeared with grace. 
At the close of the evening it was their custom to dance 
jigs which custom they borrowed from the negroes." 

"Family Life in Virginia/' p. 344: 

"A girl of good fortune or of good reputation is a thing 
scarce in these parts— for they have no established laws and 
very little of the Gospel." 

Henry Cabot Lodge's "History of the Early Colonies/' p. 154: 
"The negroes in South Carolina were helplessly degrad- 
ed, rarely baptized or married, lived like animals, their 
condition of complete barbarism— the slaves were griev- 
ously overworked." 

Henry Cabot Lodge's "History of the Early Colonies'': 

"The Southern man on his plantation drinks a julep 
made of rum, water and sugar, very strong ; rides over his 
plantation, returns and takes his toddy, lies down to sleep 
with two negroes to fan him, one at his head and one at 
his feet; rises for dinner, takes his toddy again and con- 
tinues to take his toddy all afternoon, then eats his supper 
and retires for the night." 

Richard Hildreth: 

"The typical Southern planter is a tall, raw-boned in- 
dividual, clad in a black frock coat, with his trousers 
• tucked into high-top boots. On his head is a wide brim- 
med slouch hat, and his heels are adorned with large row- 
elled spurs. He wears a turn-down collar and a flowing 
black tie. His hair is long and his beard is worn as a 
goatee. He carries a whip in his right hand and is accom- 



106 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

panied by a dog supposed to be fresh from the chase of a 
runaway slave." 

Read in striking contrast Bill Arp 's description of a Southern 
gentleman, and Thomas Nelson Page's "The Gentleman of the 
Black Stock." 
"Smart Set/' New York, February, 1920: 

"The Southern people know nothing of music or the 
drama, and view a public library merely as something to 
be vigorously censored. Lynching is the only public 
amusement that they never denounce." 

MEANS OF ENFORCING THE MASTER'S EMPIRE. 
Hildreth's "Despotism in America/' p. 41: 

The slave late in coming from the field — receives twenty 
lashes. 

"The slave that is idle — thirty lashes. 

"The slave that disobeys — forty lashes. 

"The slave that destroys property — fifty lashes. 

"The slave that lies— sixty lashes. 

"The slave that is suspected of theft — seventy lashes. 

"The slave that is insolent — eighty lashes. 

"The slave that is insubordinate — one hundred lashes. 

"If he ventures to run away he is pursued by men and 
dogs, disabled by small shot, and as soon as he is caught, he 
is flogged till he faints, then worked in chains, locked up 
every night, and kept on half allowance, till his spirits are 
broken, and he becomes contented and obedient. Should 
he offer resistance he is either shot ,stabbed, beat to the 
ground with a club, and if not killed he is subjected to all 
sorts of discipline and flogged every night for thirty days 
in succession. This is a specimen of discipline in planta- 
tion management." 
This book from which these extracts are taken is in one of 
the leading libraries in the State of Georgia. The effect it has 
had, possibly, on many of Georgia's boys is to make them rank 
abolitionists ? 
Richard Hildreth, "Despotism in America," p. 45: 

"The Bible has been proscribed at the South, as an in- 
cendiary publication; a book not fit for slaves to read or 
hear. In some parts of the country the catechism is looked 
upon with almost equal suspicion ; and many masters for- 
bid their slaves to hear any preacher, black or white, since 
they consider religion upon the plantation as quite out of 
place, a thing dangerous to the master's authority, and 
therefore not to be endured in the slave." 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 107 

Richard Hildreth, "Despotism in America/' p. 71: 

''The slaves are regarded not merely as animals, but as 
animals of the wildest and most ferocious character. They 
are thought to be like tigers, trained to draw the plough, 
whom nothing but fear, the whip, and constant watchful- 
ness, keep at all in subjection, and who if left to themselves 
would quickly recover their savage natures, and find no en- 
joyment except to reek in blood." 

Lodge's "History of the Early Colonies": 

"The strength of Virginia really resided in the Puritan 
blood which was in their midst. 

' ' For a century Virginia lay in a state of torpor. 

"Aversion to towns was very great, but due to indolence, 
jealousy, and selfishness. 

"Neither arts nor letters flourished. Every man taught 
his own children according to his ability. 

"Intellectual amusements were wanting in Maryland. 
Education had never been an object of interest. 

' ' The slaves of the South were not allowed to have a dog. 
They were coarsely clothed and fed upon meal and water 
sweetened with molasses and even punished with barbarity. ' ' 

"The planters looked upon themselves as different clay 
from the rest of the community; they had the virtues and 
vices of an aristocracy. They were neither enterprising 
nor inventive. " 

In history the slaveholder of the South has been so maligned 
because he separated the mother and child on the block. This 
contrast is striking. 

Taken from the Massachusetts Historical Collections, Vol. 
IV., p. 200, is an advertisement that appeared in The Continen- 
tal Journal, Boston, Mass., March 1, 1781 : 

"A likely negro wench 19 years old with a child six 
months of age to be sold together or apart." 

Then a notice that appeared in a newspaper in New Orleans 
at a later date: 
"The Cyclopedia of Political Slavery," Vol. III., p. 733: 

"Mr. Hunter was fined $1,000 for separating a mother 
and child, and compelled to forfeit by the Louisiana law 
six of his slaves." 

Lodge's History: 

" If a Bible should be left in a negro cabin, the colporteur 
would be ushered to Heaven from the lowest limb of a tree 
on the nearest hill." 



108 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

"Unless the white race amalgamate with the black, the 
white will wither from the face of the earth." 
When war was threatened in 1861 it was said : 

"There can be no war for the cowards of the South 
would run at the sight of brave soldiers from New Eng- 
land." 
An Ohio Suffragist said: 

"In the cotton mills of Georgia they work little children 
from four years up, sending them to and from the mills 
by rail in an old box car huddled like so many pigs. When 
the cotton season is over, they are taken to New Jersey and 
worked in the cranberry fields." 

"The Evening Sun/' Baltimore, Md., Nov. 17, 1919: 

"No really first rate woman or man, in any field of en- 
deavor lives in Georgia or has ever lived there. The State 
has never produced a statesman, a politician, a philosopher, 
a writer, an artist, or any one who has ever achieved fame. 
No civilized men and women anywhere; the State is ut- 
terly without value." 

Lossing's "History Concerning Robert E. Lee," Vol. V., Chap. 
116, p. 1483: 

"The Confederates gained much strength by the defec- 
tion of Colonel Robert E. Lee of the National Army, who 
espoused their cause. He lingered in Washington City for 
a week after the evacuation of Fort Sumter; and when he 
had drawn from General Scott (who had the most implicit 
confidence in Lee's honor) all information possible con- 
cerning the plans, and resources of the government to be 
employed in suppressing the rebellion, he resigned his com- 
mission (April 20, 1861), deserted his flag, went to Rich- 
mond, was appointed commander-in-chief of the military 
forces of Virginia and made war upon the government he 
had solemnly sworn to support and defend. He gave to 
its enemies the advantages of his knowledge of the govern- 
ment secrets, and his skill as an engineer. He had kept up 
a correspondence with those enemies while professing to be 
loyal to his government ; and when that enemy offered him 
an exalted position, he joined them and worked faithfully 
for them." 
"The Official History of Suffrage' says: 

"General Lee drove his daughter, Anne Carter, from 
Arlington as an outcast, because she remained true to the 
Union. Anne died the third year of the war homeless, with 
no relative near, dependent for care and nursing and con- 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 109 

solation in her last hours upon the kindly services of an old 
colored woman." 

''The speech of John Brown at Charlestown and the 
speech of Abraham Lincoln at Gettysburg are the two best 
specimens of eloquence which we have had in this country." 

''Boys of '61," Coffin, p. 446: 

"That secession was inaugurated without cause must 
ever be the verdict of history. ' ' 

' ' I called upon some of my female friends. I knew they 
were secessionists, but did not think they were so utterly 
corrupt as I find them to be. " (p. 29). 

"The slaves were the true, loyal men of the South. Ihey 
did what they could to put down the Rebellion." (p. 518). 

"Mason, the lordly senator, and Governor Letcher, the 
drunken executive of the State (Virginia), addressed the 
crowd fired to a burning heat of madness by passion and 
whiskey." (p. 520). 

"Twelve thousand, nine hundred and ninety graves are 

numbered on the neighboring hillside, murdered by Jeff 

Davis, Robert E. Lee, James Seddon, John C. Brecken- 

ridge— murdered with premeditated design." (p. 411). 

In J. G. Holland's "Life of Abraham Lincoln/' is found on 

page 293 : 

"The rebellion was conceived in perjury, brought forth 
in violence, cradled in ignorance, and reared upon spoils. 
It never had an apology for its existence that will be enter- 
tained for a moment at the bar of history. It was never 
anything from its birth to its death but a crime— a crime 
against Christianity, a crime against patriotism, a crime 
against civilization, a crime against progress, a crime against 
personal and political honor, a crime against the people ot 
the North who had to put it down, a crime against God to 
whom they blasphemously appealed for aid." 

J. G. Holland again says : 

"The South was prepared for war — nearly all Southern 
forts had been seized. The Northern arsenals had been rob- 
bed by that miscreant, Floyd. The South refused to pay 
the debts due the North. The mails were ransacked so that 
the government could reach neither friends nor foes. She 
had been drilling men and instructing officers for years. 
They knew there were not arms enough in the North to over- 
come them. Maryland, a slaveholding State, had one out 
of five for rebellion." 

"The British Weekly": 

"In the American Civil War the Southern Confederate 



110 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

women wore personal ornaments made of the bones of their 
unburied foes. They starved their prisoners and took their 
scalps for trophies." 

James Russell Lowell was given as authority for this state- 
ment. 

Mr. James Russell Lowell also said : 

" I do not find that the cuticular aristocracy of the South 
has added anything to the requirements of civilization ex- 
cept the carrying of bowie knives and the chewing of to- 
bacco — a high-toned Southern gentleman being commonly 
not only quad-rumanous but quid-ruminant." 

Muzzey's "History of the American People" says: 

' ' The cause for which the Confederate soldier fought was 
an unworthy cause and should have been defeated." 

"It is impossible for the student of history today to feel 
otherwise than that the cause for which the South fought 
was unworthy." 

"The Confederacy was now placed before the civilized 
world in its true light as the champion of the detested in- 
stitution of slavery." — Davidson. 

The "Chicago Tribune" says: 

The South is half educated, a region of illiteracy, blatant 
self -righteousness, cruelty and violence." 

Champion's "War of the Union," p. 316 : 

"A sort of poetic justice impelled the Federals to send 
a brigade of colored troops to take possession of Richmond. ' ' 

William & Mary "Quarterly," Oct, 1918, pp. 82, 83: 

:< 'Necessity knows no law,' and 'to save the lives of the 
gallant men who had so long held Fort Sumter against an 
overwhelming force of heartless traitors and wicked and 
unprincipled rebels whose treason has been steeped in fraud 
and theft vulgarly known as 'Southern Chivalry,' the Pres- 
ident of the United States (Abraham Lincoln) in the dis- 
charge of a duty to humanity has signed the order for the 
evacuation of Fort Sumter." 

The Librarian in Pueblo, Colorado, said that "The Clans- 
man/' by Thomas Dixon, was too indecent to be read, so ordered 
all books by Dixon to be taken out of the Library and extra 
copies of "Uncle Tom's Cabin" placed there. 
"The New York World," Dec. 1919: 

"The next President will be a Republican, with a Re- 
publican House and Senate, and the Southern States will 



THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 111 

be mere provinces. Had it not been for Northern Demo- 
crats the Southern States would as yet be as conquered 
provinces without influence at Washington." 



XIX. 

The VUlification of Jefferson Davis Was Necessary to Make 

the Glorification of Abraham Lincoln More Effective. 

AUTHORITY : 
"Harper's Weekly,'' June, 1865: 

"The murder of President Lincoln furnished the final 
proof of the ghastly spirit of the rebellion. Davis inspired 
the murder of Lincoln." 

Cheney's "History of the Civil War," p. 359: 

"Poor Jeff Davis began to feel like a wandering Jew — a 
price was put on his head. He dared rest nowhere for fear 
of meeting the fate of a traitor — afraid to risk an inter- 
view with Sherman and not daring to wait for Johnston's 
surrender, he fled to Charlotte." 

"New York Tribune," 1861: 

"The hanging of traitors is sure to begin before the 
month is over. The nations of Europe may rest assured 
that Jeff Davis will be swinging from the battlements of 
Washington at least by the Fourth of July. We spit upon 
a later and longer deferred justice." 

"The Story of a Great March," Major George W. Nichols: 

' ' The failure of Jeff Davis has brought down on him the 
hatred and abuse of his own people. Were he here today 
nothing but execration would have been showered uon him." 

"Harper's Weekly," June 17, 1865: 

"Davis is as guilty of Lincoln's murder as Booth. Davis 
was conspicuous for every extreme of ferocity, inhumanity 
and malignity. He was responsible for untold and unim- 
aginable cruelties practiced on loyal citizens in the South." 

Thaddeus Stevens, House of Congress, March 19, 1867: 

"While I would not be bloody-minded, yet if I had my 
way I would long ago have organized a military tribunal 
under military power and I would have put Jefferson Davis 
and all the members of the Cabinet on trial for the mur- 
ders at Andersonville. Jefferson Davis murdered a 
thousand men, robbed a thousand widows and orphans, and 
burned down a thousand homes." 



112 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

''Harper's Weekly": 

"If it seems too incredible to be true that rebel leaders 
were guilty of Lincoln's assassination, it must be remem- 
bered that Lincoln's murder is no more atrocious than 
many crimes of which Davis is notoriously guilty." 

John Forney, Clerk of the Senate — Washington Chronicle: 

"The judiciary has ample evidence of Davis' guilt of 
Lincoln's murder, and of the murder of our soldiers m 
prison. ' ' 
Boutwell, of Massachusetts, introduced the following resolu- 
tion in Congress : 

"Be it Resolved, That Jefferson Davis shall be held and 
tried on the charge of killing prisoners and murdering 
Abraham Lincoln." 

"Jefferson Davis wrote a history of the struggle but it 
was full of prejudice." 
Cheney's "History," p. 539: 

"Davis had in his possession $100,000 in gold belonging 
to the Confederate Government. " 

' ' He was arrested near Macon disguised as a woman, with 
a shawl over his head and carrying a tin pail. ' ' 



XX. 

Some of the Omissions of History. 

"At the First Battle of Bull Run raw, untrained Union 

soldiers were defeated by well-trained Confederate soldiers. 

Congress, however, and the President were only nerved by 

this defeat to prepare for a bigger war." 

What should have been there was what an eye witness — the 

War Correspondent, Edmund Clarence Stedman — saw and put 

in the columns of "The New York World" : 

"I was with the brave Captain Alexander when the sud- 
den reverse came. 'What does it all mean?' I asked. 

" 'It means defeat,' was his reply. 'We are beaten. It 
is a shameful, cowardly retreat.' 

" 'Hold up, men!' he shouted. 'Don't be such cowards,' 
but on they rushed. 

"I saw officers with leaves and eagles on their shoulder 
straps, majors and colonels who had deserted their com- 
mands, galloping as for dear life. 

"What a scene! How terriffic the onset of that tumul- 
tous retreat ! Who ever saw such a flight ? Who ever saw 
a more shameful abandonment of munitions gathered at 



THE TR'THS OF HISTORY 113 

such vast expense? Thousands of muskets strewed the 
route. The regular cavalry— I say it to their shame — join- 
ed in the melee adding to its terrors— for they rode down 
footmen without mercy. Enough supplies were captured 
for a week's feast of thanksgiving. The rout of the Fed- 
eral Army was complete." — "Great Epochs of American 
History,'' Vol. VIII. 
Another omission of history is the description of the Merri- 
mac (Virginia) and the Monitor. 

History records "an indecisive victory between the Monitor 
and Virginia. The Virginia finally withdrew up the Elizabeth 
River." 

The following is the truth given by those on the Virginia and 
corroborated by the testimony of the English and French men- 
of-war anchored at Hampton Roads: 

"It was April before the Merrimac (Virginia) had com- 
pleted some alterations, then she steamed down to Hampton 
Roads under Commodore Tatnall to engage and capture the 
Monitor. She was afraid to go too close to shallow water, 
but three times she dared and challenged the Monitor to 
come out and fight. Not even the capture of two brigs and 
a schooner, the Thomas Jefferson and the noising of the Con- 
federate flags on these captured ships, which must have 
been a humiliation to her, would tempt the Monitor to 
move. Had she taken the dare, she would undoubtedly 
have been captured and she knew it." 

OTHER OMISSIONS OF HISTORY: 

The South claims that her best writers are ruled out of a com- 
pendium of American Literature and those not literary given 
prominence. 

LITERATURE : 

Stedman's American Literature gives fifty pages to Walt 
Whitman and five lines to Henry Timrod. 

Richardson gives forty pages to Fenimore Cooper and four 
pages to William Gilmore Simms, that pioneer of romance. 

Pattee, in his American Literature, gives page after page to 
E. P. Roe, and does not mention James Lane Allen. 

Houghton, Mifflin & Co., in their Masterpieces of Literature. 
give O'Reilly's prosaic poem, "The Puritans," and does not 
mention Poe's "Raven." 

To read Northern history one would believe that Paul Re- 



114 THE TRUTHS OF HISTORY 

vere's Ride was the greatesl in American history. It does not 
compare to John Jouett's ride nor Edward Laey's ride, nor 
Sam Dah-'s ride and surely not to Wade Hampton's grand- 
father's ride of 750 miles in ten days to carry the news of An- 
drew Jackson's victory at New Orleans. That was a ride of 
ureal import in history for New England had already sent her 
commissioner to say she would secedi from the Union to join 
England, hut when she heard of the British defeat the papers 
of secession were not presented. 






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